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From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
Copyright 1907, by Edward S. Curtis
Landmarks in Anthropology, a series of reprints in cultural anthropology
General Editor: Weston La Barre
First reprinting 1970, Johnson Reprint Corporation
[The consonants are as in English, except when otherwise noted]
Photogravures by John Andrew & Son, Boston.
From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis
In Mr. Curtis we have both an artist and a trained observer,
whose pictures are pictures, not merely photographs; whose work has
far more than mere accuracy, because it is truthful. All serious
students are to be congratulated because he is putting his work in
permanent form; for our generation offers the last chance for doing
what Mr. Curtis has done. The Indian as he has hitherto been is on
the point of passing away. His life has been lived under conditions
thru which our own race past so many ages ago that not a vestige of
their memory remains. It would be a veritable calamity if a vivid
and truthful record of these conditions were not kept. No one man
alone could preserve such a record in complete form. Others have
worked in the past, and are working in the present, to preserve parts
of the record; but Mr. Curtis, because of the singular combination of
qualities with which he has been blest, and because of his extraordinary
success in making and using his opportunities, has been able to do what
no other man ever has done; what, as far as we can see, no other man
could do. He is an artist who works out of doors and not in the closet.
He is a close observer, whose qualities of mind and body fit him to make
his observations out in the field, surrounded by the wild life he commemorates.
He has lived on intimate terms with many different tribes
of the mountains and the plains. He knows them as they hunt, as
they travel, as they go about their various avocations on the march
and in the camp. He knows their medicine men and sorcerers, their chiefs
and warriors, their young men and maidens. He has not only seen
their vigorous outward existence, but has caught glimpses, such as few
white men ever catch, into that strange spiritual and mental life of
theirs; from whose innermost recesses all white men are forever barred.
Mr. Curtis in publishing this book is rendering a real and great
service; a service not only to our own people, but to the world of
scholarship everywhere.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
October 1st, 1906.
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
The task of recording the descriptive material embodied in these volumes, and of preparing the photographs which accompany them, had its inception in 1898. Since that time, during each year, months of arduous labor have been spent in accumulating the data necessary to form a comprehensive and permanent record of all the important tribes of the United States and Alaska that still retain to a considerable degree their primitive customs and traditions. The value of such a work, in great measure, will lie in the breadth of its treatment, in its wealth of illustration, and in the fact that it represents the result of personal study of a people who are rapidly losing the traces of their aboriginal character and who are destined ultimately to become assimilated with the "superior race."
It has been the aim to picture all features of the Indian life
and environment—types of the young and the old, with their
habitations, industries, ceremonies, games, and everyday customs.
Rather than being designed for mere embellishment, the photographs
are each an illustration of an Indian character or of some
vital phase in his existence. Yet the fact that the Indian and his
surroundings lend themselves to artistic treatment has not been
lost sight of, for in his country one may treat limitless subjects
of an æsthetic character without in any way doing injustice to
scientific accuracy or neglecting the homelier phases of aboriginal
life. Indeed, in a work of this sort, to overlook those marvellous
touches that Nature has given to the Indian country, and for the
origin of which the native ever has a wonder-tale to relate, would
be to neglect a most important chapter in the story of an environment
that made the Indian much of what he is. Therefore, being
directly from Nature, the accompanying pictures show what actually
exists or has recently existed (for many of the subjects have
The task has not been an easy one, for although lightened at times by the readiness of the Indians to impart their knowledge, it more often required days and weeks of patient endeavor before my assistants and I succeeded in overcoming the deep-rooted superstition, conservatism, and secretiveness so characteristic of primitive people, who are ever loath to afford a glimpse of their inner life to those who are not of their own. Once the confidence of the Indians gained, the way led gradually through the difficulties, but long and serious study was necessary before knowledge of the esoteric rites and ceremonies could be gleaned.
At times the undertaking was made congenial by our surroundings in beautiful mountain wild, in the depths of primeval forest, in the refreshing shade of cañon wall, or in the homes and sacred places of the Indians themselves; while at others the broiling desert sun, the sand-storm, the flood, the biting blast of winter, lent anything but pleasure to the task.
The word-story of this primitive life, like the pictures, must be drawn direct from Nature. Nature tells the story, and in Nature's simple words I can but place it before the reader. In great measure it must be written as these lines are—while I am in close touch with the Indian life.
At the moment I am seated by a beautiful brook that bounds through the forests of Apacheland. Numberless birds are singing their songs of life and love. Within my reach lies a tree, felled only last night by a beaver, which even now darts out into the light, scans his surroundings, and scampers back. A covey of mourning doves fly to the water's edge, slake their thirst in their dainty way, and flutter off. By the brookside path now and then wander prattling children; a youth and a maiden hand in hand wend their way along the cool stream's brink. The words of the children and the lovers are unknown to me, but the story of childhood and love needs no interpreter.
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
It is thus near to Nature that much of the life of the Indian
still is; hence its story, rather than being replete with statistics of
While primarily a photographer, I do not see or think photographically; hence the story of Indian life will not be told in microscopic detail, but rather will be presented as a broad and luminous picture. And I hope that while our extended observations among these brown people have given no shallow insight into their life and thought, neither the pictures nor the descriptive matter will be found lacking in popular interest.
Though the treatment accorded the Indians by those who lay claim to civilization and Christianity has in many cases been worse than criminal, a rehearsal of these wrongs does not properly find a place here. Whenever it may be necessary to refer to some of the unfortunate relations that have existed between the Indians and the white race, it will be done in that unbiased manner becoming the student of history. As a body politic recognizing no individual ownership of lands, each Indian tribe naturally resented encroachment by another race, and found it impossible to relinquish without a struggle that which belonged to their people from time immemorial. On the other hand, the white man whose very own may have been killed or captured by a party of hostiles forced to the warpath by the machinations of some unscrupulous Government employé, can see nothing that is good in the Indian. There are thus two sides to the story, and in these volumes such questions must be treated with impartiality.
Nor is it our purpose to theorize on the origin of the Indians—a
problem that has already resulted in the writing of a small
library, and still with no satisfactory solution. The object of the
work is to record by word and picture what the Indian is, not
Ever since the days of Columbus the assertion has been made repeatedly that the Indian has no religion and no code of ethics, chiefly for the reason that in his primitive state he recognizes no supreme God. Yet the fact remains that no people have a more elaborate religious system than our aborigines, and none are more devout in the performance of the duties connected therewith. There is scarcely an act in the Indian's life that does not involve some ceremonial performance or is not in itself a religious act, sometimes so complicated that much time and study are required to grasp even a part of its real meaning, for his myriad deities must all be propitiated lest some dire disaster befall him.
Likewise with their arts, which casual observers have sometimes denied the Indians; yet, to note a single example, the so-called "Digger" Indians, who have been characterized as in most respects the lowest type of all our tribes, are makers of delicately woven baskets, embellished with symbolic designs and so beautiful in form as to be works of art in themselves.
The great changes in practically every phase of the Indian's
life that have taken place, especially within recent years, have
been such that had the time for collecting much of the material,
both descriptive and illustrative, herein recorded, been delayed, it
would have been lost forever. The passing of every old man or
woman means the passing of some tradition, some knowledge of
sacred rites possessed by no other; consequently the information
that is to be gathered, for the benefit of future generations, respecting
the mode of life of one of the great races of mankind, must be
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
In treating the various tribes it has been deemed advisable that a geographic rather than an ethnologic grouping be presented, but without losing sight of tribal relationships, however remote the cognate tribes may be one from another. To simplify the study and to afford ready reference to the salient points respecting the several tribes, a summary of the information pertaining to each is given in the appendices.
In the spelling of the native terms throughout the text, as well as in the brief vocabularies appended to each volume, the simplest form possible, consistent with approximate accuracy, has been adopted. No attempt has been made to differentiate sounds so much alike that the average student fails to discern the distinction, for the words, where recorded, are designed for the general reader rather than the philologist, and it has been the endeavor to encourage their pronunciation rather than to make them repellent by inverted and other arbitrary characters.
I take this opportunity to express my deep appreciation to those who have so generously lent encouragement during these years of my labor, from the humblest dwellers in frontier cabins to the captains of industry in our great commercial centres, and from the representatives of the most modest institutions of learning to those whose fame is worldwide. Without this encouragement the work could not have been accomplished. When the last opportunity for study of the living tribes shall have passed with the Indians themselves, and the day cannot be far off, my generous friends may then feel that they have aided in a work the results of which, let it be hoped, will grow more valuable as time goes on.
EDWARD S. CURTIS.
From Copyright Photograph 1904 by E.S. Curtis
While it is the plan of this work to treat the tribes in the order of their geographic distribution, rather than to group them in accordance with their relationship one to another, we are fortunate, in the present volume, to have for treatment two important southwestern Indian groups—the Navaho and the Apache—which are not only connected linguistically but have been more or less in proximity ever since they have been known to history.
Because of his cunning, his fearlessness, and his long resistance
to subjection both by the missionary and by the governments
under whose dominion he has lived, but until recent times never
recognized, the Apache, in name at least, has become one of the
best known of our tribal groups. But, ever the scourge of the
peaceable Indians that dwelt in adjacent territory, and for about
three hundred years a menace to the brave colonists that dared
settle within striking distance of him, the Apache of Arizona
and New Mexico occupied a region that long remained a terra
incognita, while the inner life of its occupants was a closed book.
There is little wonder, then, that we have known practically
nothing of the Apache and their customs beyond the meagre
record of what has been given us by a few army officers; consequently
their study was entered into with especial interest.
Although much time was expended and much patience consumed
before the confidence of their elders was gained, the work was
finally successful, as will be seen particularly by the creation
legend and the accompanying mythologic picture-writing on
deerskin, which give an insight into the mode of thought of this
people and a comprehensive idea of the belief respecting their
genesis. Not satisfied with the story as first related by the
medicine-men lest error perchance should have crept in, it was
The Navaho tribe, second only to the Sioux in numbers, have been the least affected by civilizing influences. The Navaho is the American Bedouin, the chief human touch in the great plateau-desert region of our Southwest, acknowledging no superior, paying allegiance to no king in name of chief, a keeper of flocks and herds who asks nothing of the Government but to be unmolested in his pastoral life and in the religion of his forebears. Although the mythology and ceremonials of this virile people would alone furnish material for many volumes, it is believed that even with the present comparatively brief treatment a comprehensive view of their character and activities will be gained.
It is with pleasure that I acknowledge the able assistance rendered by Mr. W. W. Phillips and Mr. W. E. Myers during the last two years of field work in collecting and arranging the material for this volume, and the aid of Mr. A. F. Muhr in connection with the photographic work in the laboratory.
EDWARD S. CURTIS
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
The Indian and his history present innumerable problems to the student. Facts seemingly contradict facts, well-founded theories contradict other theories as well founded. Linguistically the Apache belong to the great Athapascan family, which, according to the consensus of opinion, had its origin in the far North, where many tribes of the family still live. Based on the creation legends of the Navaho and on known historical events, the advent of the southern branch of this linguistic group—the Navaho and the Apache tribes—has been fixed in the general region in which they now have their home, at about the time of the discovery of America. Contrary to this conclusion, however, the legend of their genesis gives no hint of an origin in other than their historical habitat. The history and the legendary lore of the Indian are passed down from generation to generation, so that it would seem hardly credible that all trace of this migration from a distant region should have become lost within a period of somewhat more than four hundred years.
Again, judging by the similarity in language, the Apache and
the Navaho in prehistoric times were as nearly a single group as
the present bands of Apache are; and, likewise, there is sufficient
similarity in the underlying principles of their mythology to
argue a common tribal origin. The names as well as the functions
of several of the mythic characters are identical in both
tribes, as, for example, the war gods Nayé̆nĕzganĭ and Tobadzĭschí̆nĭ.
These miracle-performing twins in each case are the
sons of a woman (who occupies an almost identical position in
both Navaho and Apache mythology) and the sun and water respectively.
Pollen also is deified by each—as Hádĭntĭn Boy among
the Apache and Tádĭtĭn Boy among the Navaho. If, therefore,
we may concede that the Navaho and the Apache were originally
The beautiful genesis myth of the Apache is complete; it does not reflect an incipient primitive culture, but one developed by age. The mythology and ceremonial of the Navaho exhibit unquestioned signs of being composite in origin. Their ceremonials are perhaps the most elaborate of any Indians except the Pueblos; indeed the very life of this people so teems with ceremony as almost to pass comprehension. The Navaho ritual probably reached its highest phase about the beginning of the nineteenth century. It would seem impossible for a religion so highly developed as this to have attained such a stage within a comparatively short time.
Before the early years of the seventeenth century the Spanish chroniclers give us nothing definite regarding the Apache of what is now Arizona and New Mexico, but there are numerous accounts of their aggressiveness from this time onward.
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
Father Francisco Garcés, who in 1775-76 journeyed from his
mission of San Xavier del Bac, in southern Arizona, to San Gabriel,
California, thence to the Hopi country, and back to his mission
by way of the Colorado and the Gila rivers, had sufficient knowledge
of the Apache to keep well out of their country, for they
had ever been enemies of Garcés' peaceful neophytes, the Papago
and the Pima. To the warlike, marauding Apache Garcés gave
much thought, drawing up a plan for holding them in subjection
So far as diligent field research reveals, there was but one tribe or band of Indians living within proximity of the Apache Indians of Arizona in early times who ever affiliated with them, or associated with them in any way save on terms of enmity. This tribe was the Apache-Mohave, of Yuman stock, whose domain extended along the Rio Verde in central Arizona, immediately adjacent to the territory over which the Apache proper held undisputed sway. With these, affiliation practically became fusion, for in outward semblance, characteristics, mode of living, and handicraft they are typically Apache; but their mother tongue, though impaired, and remnants of their native mythology are still adhered to. Through the Apache-Mohave, allied with the Apache since early times, and resembling them so closely as to have almost escaped segregation until recent years, did the tribe now so widely known as Apache undoubtedly receive its name.
The Apache-Mohave call themselves Apátĭĕh, which means,
simply, "people." The Walapai, another Yuman tribe farther
north, whose dialect resembles that of the Apache-Mohave more
closely than do the dialects of the Mohave and the Yuma, also call
themselves Apátĭĕh. Although the pronunciation of this word is
indicated more nearly correctly by this spelling than by "Apache,"
only a trained ear can distinguish the difference in sound when
the average Yuman Indian utters it. Etymologically it comes from
apá, "man," and the plural suffix -tĭĕh.
The mountain fastness of the Apache in Arizona permitted
easiest approach from the south and the west for all who wished
to seek peace or revenge. The Apache-Mohave, living as Apache
in close affiliation, were on the western border of this stronghold,
whence they made raids upon several other Yuman groups, north,
west, and south, in company with the Apache. They were also
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
Since known to history, the many bands of Apache have occupied the mountains and plains of southern Arizona and New Mexico, northern Sonora and Chihuahua, and western Texas—an area greater than that of the states of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Vermont, Maine, Ohio, North Carolina, South Carolina, and West Virginia. They were always known as "wild" Indians, and indeed their early warfare with all neighboring tribes, as well as their recent persistent hostility toward our Government, which precipitated a "war of extermination," bear out the appropriateness of the designation. An admission of fear of anything is hard to elicit from the weakest of Indian tribes, but all who lived within raiding distance of the Apache, save the Navaho, their Athapascan cousins, freely admit that for generations before their subjugation the Apache were constantly held in mortal terror.
Through the constant depredations carried on against the
Mexican settlements in northern Sonora and Chihuahua, under
the leadership of Juan José, an Apache chief educated among the
Mexicans, those two states were led, in 1837, to offer a bounty
for Apache scalps. The horror of this policy lay in the fact that
the scalp of a friendly Indian brought the same reward as that of
the fiercest warrior, and worse still, no exception was made of
In 1864, under General James H. Carleton, the "war of extermination" was begun in a most systematic manner. On April 20 this officer communicated a proposal of co-operation to Don Ignacio Pesqueira, Governor of Sonora, saying: "If your excellency will put a few hundred men into the field on the first day of next June, and keep them in hot pursuit of the Apaches of Sonora, say for sixty or ninety days, we will either exterminate the Indians or so diminish their numbers that they will cease their murdering and robbing propensities and live at peace."
This request was met. The settlers in Arizona, under agreement, placed a force in the field provisioned with army supplies. Several hundred Pima, Papago, and Maricopa Indians also were supplied with guns, ammunition, and clothing, and pressed into service; but a year's effort netted the combined forces little gain. Although two hundred Apache were killed and many head of stolen stock recovered, practically no advance toward the termination of hostilities was accomplished.
In April, 1865, Inspector-General Davis arranged a conference at the Copper Mines in New Mexico with Victorio, Nané, Acosta, and other chiefs, among whom were Pasquin, Cassari, and Salvador, sons of Mangas Coloradas, through which he learned of the existence of dire destitution among the Apache and a desire for peace on condition that they be permitted to occupy their native haunts. But the Government had adopted a policy of removal by which the Arizona Apache desiring peace should join the Mescaleros at the Bosque Redondo in New Mexico. To this they flatly refused to agree, and the warfare continued.
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
Practically all the Apache were assembled in Arizona in 1865, and waged hostilities with renewed energy for the next five years, being joined by the Walapai in 1868. The close of this period found the situation quite as unsettled as ever.
On June 4, 1871, General George Crook was placed in command. Crook was not an exterminator. In the fall of the same year he said:
"I think that the Apache is painted in darker colors than he deserves, and that his villainies arise more from a misconception of facts than from his being worse than other Indians. Living in a country the natural products of which will not support him, he has either to cultivate the soil or steal, and as our vacillating policy satisfies him we are afraid of him, he chooses the latter, also as requiring less labor and being more congenial to his natural instincts. I am satisfied that a sharp, active campaign against him would not only make him one of the best Indians in the country, but it would also save millions of dollars to the Treasury, and the lives of many innocent whites and Indians."
Crook's policy was one of peace, but he made it plain to the Indians that if they did not agree to peace when liberal terms were offered, they could expect a campaign against them hitherto unequalled in vigor. It was thus that by 1873 the Tontos, Coyoteros, and Apache-Mohave were subdued and the backbone of Apache resistance broken.
The Apache-Mohave and the Tontos were placed on a reservation
on the Rio Verde; the Coyoteros were taken to the White
Mountain district near Fort Apache; the Pinaleños and parts of
other bands surrendered and were established at San Carlos; in
all, approximately three thousand Apache had been brought under
control. About one thousand hostiles yet remained in the mountains,
but by 1874 they had become so nearly subjugated as to
make it seem advisable to transfer the Arizona reservations from
the War Department to the Office of Indian Affairs, which
was done. The policy of the Indian Office from the beginning
had been to concentrate the various bands upon one reservation
at San Carlos. Disaffection arose between different bands
Haunted by the dread of removal to San Carlos, the appearance of a party of Grant County officials at the Mescalero agency on a hunting tour a few months later caused Victorio and his band to flee with a number of Chiricahua and Mescaleros to the mountains of southern New Mexico.
For two years, until he met his death at the hands of Mexican
troops in the fall of 1880, Victorio spread carnage throughout
the southern portions of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, and
the northern states of Mexico, enlisting the aid of every willing
renegade or refugee of whatever band or tribe in that section.
After him Nané, Chato, Juh, Geronimo, and other doughty
hostiles carried the fighting and raiding along until June, 1883,
when Crook, reassigned to the Arizona district, followed the
Chiricahua band under Geronimo into the Sierra Madre in
Chihuahua, whence he brought them back whipped and ready to
accept offers of peace. The captives were placed upon the San
Carlos and White Mountain reservations, where, with the various
other Apache bands under military surveillance, and with Crook
in control, they took up agriculture with alacrity. But in 1885
Crook's authority was curtailed, and through some cause, never
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
One of the last hostile movements of note was the so-called Cibicu fight in 1882. In the spring of that year an old medicine-man, Nabakéltĭ, Attacking The Enemy, better known as Doklínĭ, started a "medicine" craze in the valley of the Cibicu on the White Mountain reservation. He had already a considerable following, and now claimed divine revelation and dictated forms of procedure in bringing the dead to life. As medicine paraphernalia he made sixty large wheels of wood, painted symbolically, and twelve sacred sticks, one of which, in the form of a cross, he designated "chief of sticks." Then with sixty men he commenced his dance.
One morning at dawn Nabakéltĭ went to the grave of a man who had been prominent in the tribe and who had recently died. He and his adherents danced about the grave and then dug up the bones, around which they danced four times in a circle. The dancing occupied the entire morning, and early in the afternoon they went to another grave, where the performance was repeated. In each instance the bones were left exposed; but later four men, specially delegated, went to the graves and erected a brush hut over the remains.
Nabakéltĭ told the people that they must pray each morning for four days, at the end of which time the bleached bones would be found clothed with flesh and alive again. By the end of the second day the Apache band on the Cibicu became excited almost to the degree of frenzy. They watched the little grave-houses constantly and gathered in groups about other graves.
Some of the Apache employed as scouts with the detachment
stationed at Fort Apache heard of the craze and obtained
Then he started for the fort with his entire band of dancers, sixty-two in number, each with his "sacred medicine"—wheels, sticks, and drums. They journeyed afoot, stopping occasionally to dance, and reached the grounds of the fort late in the afternoon of the second day. On they passed, dancing in a spectacular manner, and camped that night on the flat a little above the fort, where they waited for someone to come over to interview them. The agent did not send for Nabakéltĭ that night, so at daybreak he started up White river with his band, passing by the present agency site, and crossing into Bear Springs valley. Thence they took the trail toward the Cibicu again, reaching the Carrizo in the evening, where they camped for the night and performed another dance. The following morning they took the trail for their home, which they reached rather early in the day.
As soon as the band had reached its destination, another summons was delivered to Nabakéltĭ to appear before the agent at the fort. This time the old man sent back word that he would not come: he had gone once, and if any had wished to see him, they had had their chance.
On receipt of this reply, sixty mounted soldiers, armed and
provisioned, were sent over to the Cibicu to put a stop to the
dancing. Apache scouts had been stationed to watch the manœuvres
of the Indians and to keep the officials informed. They met
the troopers, who made a night ride to the stream, and informed
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
Nabakéltĭ yielded without hesitation to the demands of the soldiers, and forthwith rode up to headquarters. Everything seemed very quiet. There was no demonstration against the soldiers, who stacked their arms and unloaded the pack-trains. The mules were hobbled and turned loose, and the cavalry horses tethered and fed.
While this apparently peaceful condition prevailed, a brother of the medicine-man, angered because of the arrest, dashed into camp on a pony and shot and killed the captain in command. Instantly, hardly realizing whence the shot had come, one of the troopers struck Nabakéltĭ on the head with a cudgel, killing him. Assured that a fight was imminent, the soldiers receded to higher ground, a short distance back, where they hurriedly made preparations for defence.
On learning that Nabakéltĭ had been killed, and deeming the soldiers wholly to blame, a small party of Apache attacked the troopers while retreating to the higher ground. Six of the soldiers were killed, the mules stampeded, and the provisions burned, all within a short space of time. The hostiles made their escape, practically all of them leaving the valley.
The Government probably never lost money faster in an Indian campaign than it did as a result of its interference with Nabakéltĭ's harmless medicine craze. Had he been left alone his inevitable failure, already at hand, to bring the dead to life would have lost him his following, and in all probability his ill-success would have cost his life at the hands of one of his tribesmen. As it was, the hostilities that followed extended over several months, costing many lives and a vast sum of money.
The present Apache population is approximately six thousand, including the Jicarillas and Mescaleros of New Mexico. It is doubtful if the number ever exceeded ten thousand. In population, therefore, the Apache seem almost too insignificant to have kept the other tribes of the vast Southwest, as well as two civilized nations, in constant dread for so long a period.
At the present time the greater part of the Apache reside on the White Mountain reservation, Arizona, comprising more than 3,500,000 acres, with agency headquarters at Whiteriver and San Carlos. This reservation is a part of the great tableland of southeastern Arizona, being a succession of mountains and high, park-like mesas, broken here and there with valleys and watered by limpid streams. The highlands are wooded with pine, cedar, fir, juniper, oak, and other trees, while in the valleys are mistletoe-laden cottonwood as well as willow, alder, and walnut, which, with smaller growths, are interwoven with vines of grape, hop, and columbine, in places forming a veritable jungle. On every hand, whether on mountain or in valley, many varieties of cactus grow in profusion; and in springtime cañon and vale, mountain-side and mesa, are all aglow with wild flowers.
In midsummer the temperature of the lower reaches seems as great as that of a furnace. At the same season in the mountain and high mesa country, especially in the shade of the beautiful forests, the atmosphere is ideal; but in winter these higher levels are covered deep with snow, swept by fierce winds that chill one to the very marrow.
The typical Apache habitation, called kówa, consists of a
framework of poles loosely thatched with native grass, through
which the smoke from the central fire finds its outlet and the
rain and snow sift in, rendering it anything but a comfortable
shelter in time of storm. The kówa is erected by the women,
who are little more than drudges, and as an Apache may have
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
In the good old days the radius of Apache wandering centred in the mountains of what is now southeastern Arizona; this was their stronghold, their lair, whence they raided to the south, well down into Sonora and Chihuahua, westward to the Colorado river, northward into the Hopi and Navaho country, and eastward as far at least as western Texas. From this mountain rendezvous they swept down upon the Mexicans and Indians of Sonora and Chihuahua, and on the Pueblo villages of the north, while in later years they terrorized the white settlers of the entire Southwest. To follow them was a fruitless task which often led to the destruction of the pursuers.
The primitive Apache was a true nomad, a wandering child of Nature, whose birthright was a craving for the warpath, with courage and endurance probably exceeded by no other people, and with cunning beyond reckoning. Although his character is a strong mixture of courage and ferocity, the Apache is gentle and affectionate toward those of his own flesh and blood, particularly his children. Fear, to him, is unknown. Death he faces with stolid indifference; yet Apache men have been known to grieve so deeply over the loss of a friend as to end their troubles by self-destruction.
No people could be better fitted than the Apache to conduct
continuous predatory warfare. Every form of plant and animal
life pays him tribute. An entirely naked Indian, without implements
of any sort, would stop on a mountain slope and in a few
minutes be sitting by a cheerful fire preparing a welcome meal.
With a fragment of stone he would shape fire-sticks from the dead
stalk of a yucca. Sitting with the flattened piece held firmly by
his feet, a pinch of sand at the point of contact between the two
sticks, with a few deft whirls of the round stick over his improvised
hearth the lone traveller would soon have a fire kindled. The agave or maguey plant, locally called mescal, for which reason the latter term is
here employed.
Many plants furnish small seeds rich in nutriment. These
are gathered in a basket, ground on a metate, and the oily mass
formed into a ball with the hands. The Apache assert that a
lump as large as one's two fists would subsist a man for two days;
but in addition he would eat wild greens of various kinds, either
cooked or raw. One of the principal vegetal foods of the
Apache is the mescal—in their language, náta. Nothing can give
a better idea of the economic life of these people than a description
of one of their annual mescal harvests.
The mescal harvest occurs in the season of new life and growth, when the call from the wild is strong in the blood, and like a class of children—for they are but grown-up children—they pour out into the wilds. From the camp where they have passed the winter they take to the trails which lead to the mescal hills.
For some hours after leaving the huts on White river the
path leads across the hot, dusty desert; then it reaches the rim of
White river cañon and follows its edge so closely that a pebble
tossed from the saddle would drop into the torrent more than a
thousand feet below. How musical the roar of the stream, and
how cool its waters look! As the trail passes some especially
dizzy spot the Indian women lean away from the sheer edge in
fear. For miles the trail traverses the bluff. At times the river
is out of sight and hearing, then it emerges again and both eye
and ear receive its greeting. At the hour when the piñon trees
stretch their long shadows across the land the Indians urge their
horses down a steep, winding trail and arrive at the river's bank.
Here they ford, follow the course of the stream for a while, and
then at a bend reach an open flat dotted here and there with
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
All the worldly possessions of the Apache woman are packed on the horse which she and her children have ridden. The mother, with the youngest in her arms, first clambers down, followed by the little girl four years of age; she then removes the blankets that cover the pack, then the burden basket containing her cooking utensils, next the water bottle, and from across the saddle seat the large rawhide carryall that contains the family supplies and extra clothing. A smaller rawhide bag holds those little essentials necessary to the comfort of the family. The unloading finished, the woman fills the water bottle at the stream and gathers fuel for preparing the simple meal, which is soon over. If anything is more simple than the cooking it is the preparation of the bed. A small circular spot is cleared and an armful of grass, if any exists, is spread over it; the blankets are laid on the grass, and the bed is made. The blankets may not be clean, and certainly the pallet is not downy, but this matters little to a people inured to hardship; they are happy.
With a laugh the children tumble upon the blankets. Being dressed in a single garment a little girl innocently exposes more of her body than meets with her modest mother's approval. The scolding is full and positive. Little Miss Apache, sitting in the middle of the blanket with her knees drawn to her chin and with scant skirt now tucked carefully about her feet, looks up with roguish smile, then down at her wiggling toes in coquettish defiance.
From far down the stream resound the splash of water and the merry laughter of matrons and maidens bathing in the clear pools, and from above the more boisterous shouts of men and boys. Surely he who says the American Indian is morose, stolid, and devoid of humor never knew him in the intimacy of his own home.
With the coming of light the women are at work building
the campfires, and the rising sun finds them at their morning
meal. The breaking of camp is a brief task. To-day they are to
There is noticeable change in the vegetation. The giant yuccas appear almost as a forest to-day; yesterday there was none. Soon the party gains the summit of the range, before which winds the valley of the Black with miles of placid stream in view. Quite different is this from White river, which is ever hurrying, rushing along. The Black flows within its grassy banks for long distances with scarcely a ripple; then a whirling rapid is passed, beyond which glides another long stretch of almost silent water.
However, mescal does not grow by cool streams, and the trail again leads up into high mountains. On a broad slope well toward the summit the final halt is made. Close by is the mescal pit, perhaps twenty feet in diameter and three feet deep; it may have been used a hundred years or a thousand, abandoned for a long period, and then brought into use again. Each time it is employed it must first be cleaned of the refuse from the last burning; this done, a large supply of fuel is gathered and thrown in, and over all are piled great quantities of stones.
Then begins the harvest of the mescal. With baskets on their backs the women go out to gather the plants. Their implements consist of a stick about two inches in diameter and three feet long, wedge-shaped and sharpened at one end, and a broad hatchet-like knife. On reaching a plant, the woman places the sharp end of the stick at its base and by a blow with a stone severs the root and pries it up. Nothing could be more primitive. The women of the Stone Age who gathered mescal on the same ground, and perhaps used the same pit, thus far must have used identical tools.
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
When the plant is cut from its root it is turned over and trimmed. For the latter the women employ the hatchet-like knife, cutting off the outer ends of the leaves. The plant now resembles a large head of cabbage and weighs from five to twenty pounds. As fast as the plants are cut the women place them in the burden baskets and carry them to the pit, load after load. To make it possible for each woman to identify her mescal after the cooking, each piece is branded with a distinguishing device—a property mark. The gathering of the mescal continues for several days, an area covering a radius of perhaps two miles being stripped of its budding plants, for such only are harvested.
The pit being ready and the mescal gathered, the work of cooking commences. Just at daylight the old woman in charge takes her place at the rim of the pit and prays that the cooking may be successful and that the people may be in condition to partake of the food. In igniting the fuel the old-fashioned fire-sticks must be employed; to use matches would bring ill fortune. When the fuel in the pit becomes a blazing mass the women go to prepare breakfast, but are soon at work again gathering brush and grass to cover the mescal. Within four hours the fuel is entirely consumed and the red-hot stones have settled to the bottom of the pit. When it is certain that no fuel remains unburned, as even a small amount of smoke would spoil the quality of the mescal, the head-woman says, "It is good," and with great eagerness her followers begin to fill the pit. There is need for haste in throwing in and covering the mescal, as the steam must be confined to prevent the hot stones from scorching it. The covering consists of alternate layers of green brush, grass, dry leaves, and finally a layer of earth, about six inches in thickness. After forty-eight hours of steaming the seething mass is uncovered and each woman removes her portion.
The greater part of the product of this cooking is now to be
prepared for winter use by pulling the leaves apart and pounding
them into pulp. This can be kneaded and handled much the
same as dough, and while in this plastic state is formed into
This dried mescal may be eaten without further preparation, but it is generally made into a gruel by mixing with water. Alone it is very sweet, and berries of the aromatic sumac, and frequently walnuts, are crushed with it to give it flavor.
The fruit of the opuntia, or prickly-pear cactus, which the
Apache call hush, is much used for food both in its fresh state
and dried. It is picked from the plant with pincers of split
sticks. When the tú̆tza, or burden basket, is filled its contents
are poured on the ground and the fruit is brushed about with a
small grass besom until the spines are worn off. In preparing
hush the women grind seeds and pulp into a mass, thus retaining
the full food value of the fruit.
Manzanita, piñon nuts, juniper berries, acorns of the scrub oak, fruit of the yucca, wild potatoes, wild onions, mesquite pods, and many varieties of fungi also furnish food. As a drink the Apache make a tea from the green or dried inner bark of the piñon.
The intoxicant and curse of their lives is túlapai, or tizwin as
it is sometimes called. Túlapai means "muddy or gray water."
It is, in fact, a yeast beer. In preparing it corn is first soaked in
water. If it be winter time the wet corn is placed under a sleeping
blanket until the warmth of the body causes it to sprout; if
summer, it is deposited in a shallow hole, covered with a wet
blanket, and left until the sprouts appear, when it is ground to
pulp on a metate. Water and roots are added, and the mixture
is boiled and strained to remove the coarser roots and sprouts.
At this stage the liquid has the consistency of thin cream soup.
It is now set aside for twenty-four hours to cool and ferment,
when it is fit for drinking. As the túlapai will spoil in twelve
hours it must be drunk quickly. Used in moderation it is not
a bad beverage, but by no means a pleasant one to the civilized
palate. The Apache, however, knows no moderation in histúlapai drinking. He sometimes fasts for a day and then drinks
great quantities of it,—often a gallon or two—when for a time
he becomes a savage indeed.
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
Another intoxicant, more effective than túlapai, is made from
the mescal—not from the sap, according to the Mexican method,
but from the cooked plant, which is placed in a heated pit and
left until fermentation begins. It is then ground, mixed with
water, roots added, and the whole boiled and set aside to complete
fermentation. The Indians say its taste is sharp, like
whiskey. A small quantity readily produces intoxication.
Of game foods the Apache has deer, antelope, and wild turkey, with quail, some water fowl, smaller birds, rabbits, and wood-rats. Fish and bear meat are strictly tabooed.
The graphic art of the Apache finds expression chiefly in
ceremonial paintings on deerskin, and in basketry. Only rarely
have they made pottery, their roving life requiring utensils of
greater stability. Such earthenware as they did make was practically
the same as that of the Navaho, mostly in the form of
small cooking vessels. Usually the pictures are painted on the
entire deerskin, but sometimes the skin is cut square, and at others
ceremonial deerskin shirts are symbolically painted. Occasionally
the Apache attempts to picture the myth characters literally;
at other times only a symbolic representation of the character
is made. In addition to the mythic personages, certain symbols
are employed to represent the incident of the myth. These
paintings are made under the instruction of a medicine-man and
are a part of the medicine paraphernalia. On some skins the
most sacred characters in Apache mythology are represented
symbolically—Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, the War God; Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, his
younger brother; Kútĕrastan, the Creator of All; Stĕnátlĭhăn,
the chief goddess. In fact the symbolism on an elaborately
painted deerskin may cover every phase of Apache cosmology.
In their basketry the Apache women display great taste
in form, and in their more superior work employ much symbolic
decoration. Since the beginning of the present "messiah
craze" all baskets display the sacred symbols believed to have been
The basket most used is the tú̆tza, or burden basket, roughly
and loosely woven, ornamented with circular lines as often painted
on as woven in. Previous to a messiah craze, which had its
origin with the Apache about 1901, the designs in these baskets
were purely decorative, without attempt at symbolism; but now,
by order of a crafty old medicine-man, every tú̆tza must display
the combined cross and crescent.
The tus is a water bottle, made invariably of withes of the
aromatic sumac, loosely woven, and coated inside and out with
piñon gum. To use material other than sumac would be considered
very bad. In the Apache deluge myth the people, instructed
by Stĕnátlĭhăn, built a monster tus of piñon branches in which
they floated away.
The tsa-naskú̆dĭ is a bowl or tray-shaped basket of splendid
form, with symbolic decoration of intricate pattern.
The most pretentious basket is the tus-naskú̆dĭ, in general form
like the tus, but much larger; it is used for the storage of grain.
Its lines are most beautiful, as are also its inwoven symbolic designs.
Owing to the extremely secretive nature of the Apache, it is
difficult for the casual student to learn anything of the relations
between their mythology and the designs used in their basketry.
Questioned, they will perhaps say, "We don't know," or "To
make it look pretty." But an intelligent and trustworthy interpreter
will tell you, "That woman knows, but she will not tell."
A law of the cult brought about by the recent messiah religion
is that every woman must have in readiness for use during the
migration to the future world a tus, a tú̆tza, a tsa-naskú̆dĭ, and
a gourd drinking-cup, all decorated with the cross and crescent.
These are not used and are carefully preserved.
The clan and gentile systems of the American Indians have
been the bulwark of their social structure, for by preventing intermarriage
within the clan or the gens the blood was kept at its
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
The Coyoteros are divided into five bands, each consisting of a number of clans, although in one band there are now survivors of a single clan only, while in others as many as seven or eight clans are still to be found. Descent among the Apache generally is reckoned through the mother; that is, the children belong to their mother's clan. An exception to this rule is said by "Peaches," an old Apache scout under Crook, to exist among the Chiricahua, where the children take the gens of the father. Among the Apache some of the younger generation are inclined to disregard tribal laws respecting marriage, but in former times they were rigidly enforced, marriage within the clan or the gens being regarded as incestuous. When asked what would happen if a man and a woman belonging to the same clan should marry, one old man answered that both would be quickly put to death.
In the Appendix are given the clan names of the Coyoteros,
also of the Arivaipa and the Chiricahua. Geronimo, Chato, and
Cochise were members of the Aiahán, People of the East, clan.
Most of the clan names are derived from localities in which the
ancestors of the clan are supposed to have first lived.
With the Apache, as with other tribes, the clan organization
has an important bearing on property right. Regardless of what
property either spouse may hold or own at the time of marriage,
the other immediately becomes possessed of his or her moiety.
Should the wife die, her husband retains possession of the property
held in common so long as he does not remarry, but what might
be termed the legal ownership of the wife's half interest becomes
vested in her clan. Should he attempt to dissipate the property
the members of the deceased wife's clan would at once interfere.
Much internal strife naturally results whenever an actual distribution of property is made. In the first place the surviving spouse unwillingly relinquishes the moiety of the property to the relatives of the deceased, and the immediate relatives often disagree with the remainder of the clan. In former times death of one or more members of contending clans often resulted when the division of much property was made. Having no tribunal for making an equitable division, the matter was left to mutual agreement, resulting in disputes and frequently murder.
With the breaking up of the clans, together with the rapid disintegration of ancient customs and laws, this property law is fast becoming forgotten; but so recently as 1906 such disputes as those mentioned occurred under both the Fort Apache and San Carlos agencies, creating no little ill-feeling. In one instance a man refused to deliver possession of half of his little herd of horses to his deceased wife's clanspeople when contemplating marriage with another woman, and appealed to the missionaries for aid. He was compelled to make the division, however, before he could remarry.
There was a time when nothing existed to form the universe—no
earth, no sky, and no sun or moon to break the
monotony of the illimitable darkness. But as time rolled on,
a spot, a thin circular disc no larger than the hand, yellow on
one side and white on the other, appeared in midair. Inside
the disc sat a bearded man but little larger than a frog, upon
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
Kútĕrastan, as if waking from a long sleep, sat up and rubbed his face and eyes with both hands. Then bending forward, he looked up into the endless darkness, and lo! light appeared everywhere above him. He then looked down, and all below became a sea of light. A glance to the east created yellow streaks of dawn, another to the west the saffron tints of the dying day, both soon becoming obscured by numerous clouds of many hues, formed by his looking around and about in all directions.
Again with both hands Kútĕrastan wiped his eyes and sweating
face and, rubbing his hands together as if he were rolling a
small pebble between the palms, suddenly parted them with a
quick downward fling, and there before him on a shining, vaporless,
mirage-like cloud sat a little girl no larger than a doll.
Kútĕrastan directed her to stand up, asking where she intended to
go, but she replied not. He cleared his vision once more with
his hands, then proffered his right hand to the girl, Stĕnátlĭhăn,
Woman Without Parents, who grasped it, with the greeting
"Whence came you?"
For reply Kútĕrastan merely repeated her question, adding, "Look to the east, it is light! There will be light in the south, in the west, and in the north." And as she looked she saw light. He then came out upon the cloud.
"Where is the earth?" asked Stĕnátlĭhăn, to which Kútĕrastan
replied by asking:
"Where is the sky?" Then requesting that he be not disturbed, he began to sing: "I am thinking, thinking, thinking, thinking what shall I do next." Four times he thus sang, at the end of the fourth time brushing his face with his hands, which he rubbed briskly together and parted quickly; and there before him stood Chuganaái, the Sun. Raising his left hand to his brow, from the sweat thereon, which he rolled in his hands as before, Kútĕrastan let drop from his right palm a small boy, Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn.
The four sat upon that still cloud for a time as if in reverie,
the first to break the silence being he who commenced the
creation: "What shall we do next? I do not like this cloud
to live upon, but we are to rule and must stay together. How
dreary it is here! I wish we had some place to go." And then
he set to work again, creating Nacholécho, the Tarantula, who
was later to help in completing the earth, and Nôkusé, the Big
Dipper, whose duty it would be to befriend and to guide. The
creation of Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, the Wind, Ndídĭlhkĭzn, the Lightning
Maker, and the clouds in the west to house Ndísâgochan, Lightning
Rumbler, whom he placed in them at the same time, next
occupied his attention. Then turning to Stĕnátlĭhăn, Kútĕrastan
said, "Truly this is not a fit place in which to live; let us make
the earth." And so saying he at once began to sing, "I am thinking
of the earth, the earth, the earth; I am thinking of the
earth," which he repeated four times. As he ceased, Stĕnátlĭhăn,
Chuganaái, and Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn each shook hands with him.
Sweat from their hands adhered to his. He at once began rubbing
his palms, when suddenly there slipped from between them
a small brown body, no larger than a bean. Kútĕrastan kicked
it and it expanded; Stĕnátlĭhăn then kicked it and its size further
increased; Chuganaái next gave it a severe blow with his foot
and it became larger still; a kick from Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn made it
greater yet. Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, the Wind, was told to go inside and
blow outward in all directions. This he did, greatly expanding
the dimensions of that body, now so wide that they could hardly
see its edge. The Lightning was next directed to exert his
strength, so with a terrific flash and roar he penetrated the body
to its centre, spreading it still wider. Then Tarantula was called
on to assist, and accordingly he started off to the east, spinning
a strong black cord, on which he pulled with all his might;
another cord of blue was spun out to the south, a third of yellow
to the west, and a fourth of glistening white to the north. A
mighty pull on each of these stretched the surface of that dark
brown body to almost immeasurable size. Finally Kútĕrastan
directed all to cover their eyes with their hands, and when they
Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, the Wind, scratched his chest and rubbed his fingers together, when out from between them flew Dátĭlyĕ, the Humming-bird. Dátĭlyĕ was told to make a circuit of the earth and report what he saw. He started off toward the east, circled south, west, north, and back from the east. All was well; the earth was most beautiful, very smooth, and covered with water on the western side.
But the Earth was not still; it kept shifting and rolling and
dancing up and down, so Kútĕrastan made four great posts—colored
black, blue, yellow, and white—to support it. Then he
directed Stĕnátlĭhăn to sing a song. She sang, "The world is
made and will soon sit still." These two then stood and faced
Chuganaái and Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, when into their midst came
Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, who dashed away to the cardinal points with
the four posts, which he placed under the sides of the earth;
and upon them it sat and was still. This pleased Kútĕrastan,
so he sang a song, repeating, "The world is now made and sits
still."
Then Kútĕrastan began another song, referring to the sky. None existed as yet, and he felt there ought to be one. Four times he chanted the song, at the end of the fourth time spreading his hands wide before him, when lo! there stood twenty-eight men and women ready to help make a sky to cover the earth. He next chanted a song for the purpose of making chiefs for the sky and the earth, and at its close sent Ndídĭlhkĭzn, the Lightning Maker, to encircle the world. Ndídĭlhkĭzn departed at once, but returned in a short time with three very uncouth persons, two girls and a boy, whom he had found in the sky in a large turquoise bowl. Not one of them had eyes, ears, hair, mouth, nose, or teeth, and though they had arms and legs, they had neither fingers nor toes.
Chuganaái at once sent for Doh, the Fly, to come and erect
a kaché̆, or sweat-house. It took but a short time to put up then covered closely with four heavy
clouds: a black cloud on the east, a blue one on the south, a
yellow one on the west, and a white one on the north. Out in
front of the doorway, at the east, she spread a soft red cloud for
a foot-blanket after the sweat. Twelve stones were heated in a
fire, and four of them placed in the kaché̆. Kútĕrastan, Stĕnátlĭhăn,
Chuganaái, and Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn each inspected the sweat-house
and pronounced it well made. The three newcomers were bidden
to enter and were followed by Chuganaái, Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn,
Ndídĭlhkĭzn, Nôkusé, and Doh. The eight sang songs as their
sweat began. Chuganaái led, singing four songs, and each of the
others followed in turn with the same number. They had had a
good sweat by the time the songs were finished, so Stĕnátlĭhăn
removed the black cloud and all came out. She then placed the
three strangers on the red-cloud blanket, and under the direction
of Kútĕrastan made for them fingers, toes, mouth, eyes, ears, hair,
and nose. Then Kútĕrastan bade them welcome, making the boy,
whom he called Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn, Sky Boy, chief of the sky
and its people. The second he named Nigostú̆n Nalí̆n, Earth
Daughter, and placed her in charge of the earth and its crops;
while to the third, Hádĭnĭn Nalí̆n, Pollen Girl, was assigned the
care of the health of the earth's people. This duty also devolved
upon Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, but each looks more to the welfare of his
own sex than to that of the other.
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
The earth was smooth, flat, and barren, so Kútĕrastan made a
few animals, birds, trees, and a hill. Then he sent Ágocho, the
Pigeon, to see how the world looked. Four days later Ágocho
returned and said all was beautiful, but that in four days more
the water on the opposite side would rise and flood the land.
Kútĕrastan at once created a piñon tree. This Stĕnátlĭhăn skilfully
tended until it grew to be of gigantic size at the end of
four days. Then with four great limbs as a framework she
made a very large water bottle, tus, covering it with gum
from the piñon. When the water appeared as predicted, Kútĕrastan
went up on a cloud, taking his twenty-eight helpers with
him, while Stĕnátlĭhăn summoned all the others and put themtus, into which she climbed last, closing the mouth at
the top.
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
The flood completely submerged the earth for twelve days.
Then the waters subsided, leaving the tus on the summit of the
hill Kútĕrastan had made. The rush of the waters had changed
the once smooth, level plain into series of mountains, hills,
rivers, and valleys, so that Stĕnátlĭhăn hardly knew where they
were when she opened the tus and came out. Tázhĭ, the Turkey,
and Gấgĕ, the Crow, were the first to make a tour of the land.
At the base of the hill they descended into a small muddy alkaline
creek, in which the Turkey got the tips of his tail-feathers
whitened, and they have been white ever since. On return they
reported that all looked beautiful as far as they had travelled.
Stĕnátlĭhăn then sent Ágocho to make a complete circuit and let
her know how things appeared on all sides. He came back much
elated, for he had seen trees, grass, mountains, and beautiful lakes
and rivers in every direction.
Directing the others to remain where she left them, Stĕnátlĭhăn
summoned Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, Hádĭntĭn Naln, Ndídĭlhkĭzn, and
Ágocho, and took them up in a cloud, in which they drifted until
they met Kútĕrastan and his band of workers, who had completed
the sky during the time of the flood. The two clouds floated to
the top of the hill on which stood the tus. All descended to the
valley below, where Stĕnátlĭhăn marshalled them into line, that
Kútĕrastan might talk to them. He briefly told them that he was
going to leave them and wished each one to do his part toward
making the world perfect and happy. "You, Ndísâgochan, shall
have charge of the clouds and the water. You, Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn,
I leave in charge of the sky. Nigostú̆n Nalí̆n, you are to look
after the crops of our people; and you, Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, must care
for their health and guide them." He then called Stĕnátlĭhăn to
him and placed her in charge of all.
The people stood in line facing their god, with hands extended
as if in supplication. Kútĕrastan and Stĕnátlĭhăn stood
facing each other. Each rubbed their thighs with their hands,
then cast their hands downward, and there arose between them an knelt and slipped a hand under it,
and as she did so Kútĕrastan passed his hand over the top. Great
white billowy clouds of smoke at once issued forth, rising straight
skyward. Into these Kútĕrastan disappeared. All the other gods
and goddesses soon followed, leaving the twenty-eight whom
Kútĕrastan had made to build the sky to remain upon the earth
and people it. Chuganaái went east to travel with the sun;
Stĕnátlĭhăn departed westward to make her home in clouds on
the horizon, while Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn and Hádĭntí̆n Nalín sought
homes among the clouds in the south, and Nôkusé may still be
seen in the northern sky at night.
The Apache is inherently devoutly religious; his life is completely moulded by his religious beliefs. From his morning prayer to the rising sun, through the hours, the days, and months—throughout life itself—every act has some religious significance. Animals, elements, every observable thing of the solar system, all natural phenomena, are deified and revered. Like all primitive people, not understanding the laws of nature, the Apache ascribe to the supernatural all things passing their understanding. The medicine-men consider disease evil, hence why try to treat evil with drugs? Disease is of divine origin, so to the beneficent and healing gods the Apache naturally make supplication for cure.
The Apache, even if willing, could not directly impart their religious beliefs or their philosophy. It is only by study of their myths, myth songs, and medicine practices, and by close observance of their life, that a comprehensive idea of such beliefs can be gained.
A concise outline of the mythology of the Apache is given in
the following description of the painted medicine skin This medicine skin was owned by Háshkĕ Ní̆lntĕ and was considered one of the most
potent belonging to any of the medicine-men. During the lifetime of Háshkĕ Ní̆lntĕ it was
impossible for any white man even to look upon this wonderful "medicine." After reaching
extreme age he was killed, presumably by his wife, from whom this valuable and sacred
object was procured.
A—The nucleus of the universe, called Chalhké̆lh Nalíín, Night Girl. In the beginning it was merely a spot of color in which, during the course of time, a form appeared, and later emerged. This was Kútĕrastan, the Creator.
B—Kútĕrastan, the Creator of All, is standing on the clouds,
his first home, holding lightning in each hand. To his left is
the tus, or water bottle, in which the people of the earth took
refuge from the flood shortly after their creation. Above him
are four clouds, those into which he departed when leaving the
earth for his celestial abode. He first created several assistants,
who in turn created others by rubbing sweat and small particles
of cuticle from the face and body.
C—Stĕnátlĭhăn, the chief goddess, first helper of Kútĕrastan,
is seen standing on the clouds. In her right hand is a piñon tree,
from the branches and gum of which the large tus was made
at the time of the deluge. Above her flies Dátĭlyĕ, the Humming-bird,
who was sent as a messenger about the world to
note how its creation progressed.
D—Chuganaái Skhĭn was the second person created by
Kútĕrastan. He followed Stĕnátlĭhăn, and is therefore third in
importance of the many deities. Not only does he give light
to the day, but he has the power to relieve and cure disease with
the aid of the first beams of his morning light. The Apache
ask his blessing before sunrise, generally imploring his beneficence
"as soon as you look upon me." The serrated circles typify
the abodes of these gods, which are protected by insurmountable
barriers.
E—Here the sun as first made by the great creator is pictured. As time wore on, it grew to become the full round disc it now is.
F—The moon as first made by Stĕnátlĭhăn, at the behest of
Kútĕrastan, who asked that she make something to illumine the
night. The streaks represent catamenia, and the gradual growth
of the moon is assumed to be parallel with prenatal growth.
G—This single symbol, a maltese cross, represents the four
personages who made the stars. They have to do with the stars
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
EXPLANATION OF PLATE
A—Chalhké̆lh Nalín, Night Girl
B—Kútĕrastan, The One Who Lives Above
C—Stĕnátlĭhăn, Woman Without Parents
D—Chuganaái Skhĭn, Sun Boy
E—Chuganaái, The Sun
F—Klĕganaái, The Moon
G—Yádĭlhkĭh Bĭnálzĕ, Sky Messengers
H—Nigostú̆n Bĭká Bĭnálzĕ, Earth Messengers
I, J—Nasté̆lh, Makers of Dreams and Visions
K—Hádĭlhkĭh, Lightning
Disc L
1—Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, Slayer of Alien Gods
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Skhĭn, Turquoise Boy
3—Yólkai Skhĭn, White-Shell Boy
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, Pollen Boy
Disc M
1—Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, Born From Water
2—Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn, Sky Boy
3—Yólkai Skhĭn, White-Shell Boy
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, Pollen Boy
Disc N
1—Yólkai Nalí̆n, White-Shell Girl
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Nalí̆n, Turquoise Girl
3—Ĕnásho Dĭlú̆hklí̆shĕn, Black Alien Talker
4—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n, Pollen Girl
Disc O
1—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n, Pollen Girl
2—Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, The Wind
3—Yólkai Nalíí̆n, White-Shell Girl
4 —Yakósha Skhĭn, Frost Boy
P—Gáŭncho - Gods
Q—Gaŭnchĭné̆ - Gods
R—Gáŭn - Gods
S—Gaŭnchí - Gods
H—Another maltese cross, symbolizing four spirits of the air, who act as messengers of the gods. They are supposed to communicate with the medicine-men, bringing to them words of wisdom from the several gods as they sit and chant in ceremony, or when they are fasting. Their name, Nigostú̆n Bĭká Bĭnálzĕ, Earth Messengers, indicates that their powers extend to both the earth and the sky.
I and J symbolize spirits of the air who reveal to the medicine-men the wonders they claim to know in a priestly way. Such revelations are made to them in visions as they sit and drum and sing when endeavoring to discover some new cure for an affliction, or to initiate new customs that might be pleasing to the gods. The priests often take a medicine skin of this sort and go out into the mountains, where they fast and sing over it for hours at a time, awaiting the coming of the spirits.
K—It is supposed that any of the various gods have the power of calling on the lightning to carry messages from one to the other. Wherever shown in the symbolism of the Apache, lightning lines are drawn to indicate communication from one god to another.
Disc L 1—Nayé̆nĕzganĭ is the first son of Stĕnátlĭhăn, who
was made to conceive by the sun's rays as she lay asleep on the
eastern slope of a mountain. He is the War God and miracle performer,
the culture hero who in parallel legends appears in many
North American aboriginal cults. Great monsters in the form
of giant antelopes, rolling stones, and beasts of hideous conception
are supposed to have inhabited the earth for a time, destroying its
people. These monsters typify only the evils of this life; in fact
death itself is spoken of in many legends as one of the monsters,
in such form engaging in a long discussion with the miracle
performer to prove that he should not be destroyed; if he
were, the earth would become overpopulated. With his bow
and arrow and turquoise lance Nayé̆nĕzganĭ banished these curses
from earth. He himself was invulnerable as he appeared before
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Skhĭn was created within the blue clouds at
the time they were made, and emerged from them. He took
part in the creation, assisting Kútĕrastan and Stĕnátlĭhăn in finishing
their work. At their direction he made a few people and
many birds and animals.
3—To Yólkai Skhĭn is attributed the creation of all white
things. He himself was brought into existence in the white
cloud, and on emerging therefrom immediately began the work
of making white rock and shells under the direction of Kútĕrastan
and Stĕnátlĭhăn.
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn is the God of Disease and Health. It is he who causes much sickness and he who can cure any disease, if he be so disposed. Especial care is taken by the Apache not to arouse his displeasure, and he is supplicated and propitiated whenever disease appears among them.
Disc M 1—Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, the second son of Stĕnátlĭhăn,
is the God of Water, because his mother conceived as she slept
one afternoon under a ledge of rock from which drops of water
trickled upon her. In the dance for rain all prayers and songs
are addressed to him. It was he who created the ocean.
2—Yádĭlhkĭh Skhĭn is Chief of the Sky. In the origin story the Lightning was sent to encircle the earth to find how things appeared on all sides. On his return he brought back with him a large turquoise bowl containing three ill-formed persons, one of whom was Sky Boy. Later all three were put through a sweat-bath and their bodies perfected.
3—Yólkai Skhĭn, described above.
4—Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, described above.
From Copyright Photograph 1903 by E.S. Curtis
Disc N 1—Yólkai Nalí̆n, one of the most venerated and greatly feared personages in the Apache mythology. She is the Goddess of Death, or rather of the after-life, for she controls all souls that pass on to the future world. The road to this afterworld is supposed to cross her shoulders and is symbolized by the Milky Way, a trail made by the departing spirits. The Apache will not utter the name of a deceased person, because they say the dead have gone on to Yólkai Nalí̆n and are her people. If they talked of them it might anger her, and when their death ensues she might refuse them admittance to the eternal paradise. This goddess is supposed to preside over the birth of children, hence supplications and offerings are made to her immediately before childbirth. She is invoked at other times to withhold her call, for it is believed that she can cause death. These prayers are addressed to Yólkai Nalí̆n through the medium of small white shells and white stone beads. The white beads are symbolic of purity, and through them Yólkai Nalí̆n is asked to keep the minds of the people free from evil thoughts or deeds.
2—Dutlí̆shĭ Nalí̆n, the Turquoise Girl, is the creator of all things green. She has to do with the crops in the fields, and the devout Apache prays to her every morning during the season of growth.
3—Ĕnásho Dĭlhklí̆shĕn is the God of Intellect. He controls the minds of the people, making their thoughts good or evil at will. It was he who first talked to the people on earth. When a child is born its parents often pray that Kútĕrastan will make it grow to be like Ĕnásho Dĭlhklí̆shĕn, to whom prayers are addressed for aid when one must talk to the people. In such case no offering of pollen is made unless the request be presented to an image representing this god, when pollen is sprinkled upon it.
4—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n is Chieftainess of Pollen, because she causes pollen to grow on the trees. The Indians know the function of pollen in plants and pray that their corn and other products of the fields, as well as the nuts and fruits that grow wild, may be fructified early in the season, to insure good harvests.
Disc O 1—Hádĭntĭn Nalí̆n, described above.
2—Nĭlchídĭlhkĭzn, Chief of the Winds. The Apache never complains of the wind, for should he become impatient about them and give vent to sacrilegious utterances he might anger the Wind God and thereby bring on destructive storms.
3—Yólkai Nalí̆n, described above.
4—Yakósha Skhĭn, God of Moisture and also Controller of Rain. Since snow, ice, hail, frost, dew, and fog are derived from the clouds, Yakósha Skhĭn is sometimes termed Chief of the Clouds, but in general the clouds are regarded as his workshop, for there is another who has direct charge and control of them.
P, Q, R, and S—These figures represent gods, or, in Apache,
gáŭn, who are supposed to have been made by the Sun for the
purpose of curing people stricken with bodily disease. Diseases
of the body are regarded as distinct from those of the mind. The
gáŭn live in the four cardinal directions and are impersonated in
medicine ceremonies by men wearing stick masks, who always
take stations at the four sides of the patient. These doctors are
not called in case of illness until after the four chief deities have
been supplicated, when, as a last resort, the medicine-man prays
to the gáŭn. If the gáŭn cannot help, there is believed to be no
hope for the patient. In ancient times all animals could talk, and
many were used as beasts of burden. The bear and the deer
were the horses of that time. In the graphic representations
of the Apache these four spirits are often pictured riding deer
and bear.
The medicine-men of the Apache are most influential personages. They are usually men of more than ordinary ability, claiming, through their many deities and their knowledge of the occult and ominous, to have supernatural power. In sickness any individual may make supplication to the deities, but the prayers of the medicine-men are accepted as being most efficacious.
From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis
Many of the medicine-men have some knowledge of the medicinal properties of plants and generally make use of them in the treatment of disease, but their treatment consists more of incantation than aught else. Even in collecting the plants they invoke the deities, usually facing the cardinal points in turn. In case the prescription calls for a combination of herbs or other vegetal products, the number four is always strictly adhered to; it might be a decoction made of four roots of one variety or of a single root from each of four varieties of plants.
Every Apache medicine-man has a medicine skin, his ĕpú̆n ezchí,
inscribed with the symbolism of the tribal mythology. With
his prayer wands he rehearses the symbolic figures, praying to the
mythical characters who are regarded as most efficacious in the
particular ailment under treatment. In his own little kówa, or
dwelling, with the painted deerskin spread before him, on which are
delineated the symbolic representations of a score of gods comprising
the Apache pantheon, a medicine-man will sit and croon
songs and pray all day and all night in the hope of hearing the
voices of celestial messengers.
Many of the prayers and songs of the Apache medicine-men are very beautiful. The following is an example:
1 Stĕná pĕhí̆nda nzhóni, tógonĭl ádahĕ bé̆oĭshka n.
2 Inaté̆sh nzhóni bé̆oĭshka n.
3 Ĕnŭdé̆tsos nzhóni bé̆oĭshka n.
4 Ĭnyátĭl nzhóni bé̆oĭshka n.
5 Bé̆hnandahĭ ĭnkéhĭ tógonĭl ádahĕ bé̆oĭshka n.
6 Ĭndú̆h bĭnandáhĕ bé̆oĭshka n.
7 Bĕh nashálolĕzh ndĕ; nashéyo shĭchí̃sĭgo n zhóndolĕzh.
8 Ndĕ shĭnklóho bĕh sanandáhĕ bé̆oĭshka n.
9 Bĕh sanashádo bé̆oĭshka n.
10 No oskó ngo adĭshní daházhĭ bĕhnashádo ti ndĕ ta nashéyo
gonzhódo.
11 Shágocho paógo násha.
12 Akúd ndĕ sa nzhóni yé̆sĭtchĭ yé̆atido.
13 Pídi yú̆gga sa nzhóni yé̆kĭssĭn shí̃dĭl é̆ndo.
14 Shĭtú̆h gozhó ndolĕzh pógo hádĭshndi.
1 Stĕnátlĭhă n, you are good, I pray for a long life.
2 I pray for your good looks.
3 I pray for good breath.
4 I pray for good speech.
5 I pray for feet like yours to carry me through a long life.
6 I pray for a life like yours.
7 I walk with people; ahead of me all is well.
8 I pray for people to smile as long as I live.
9 I pray to live long.
10 I pray, I say, for a long life to live with you where the good
people are.
11 I live in poverty.
12 I wish the people there to speak of goodness and to talk
to me.
13 I wish you to divide your good things with me, as a brother.
14 Ahead of me is goodness, lead me on.
While this prayer is worded as if uttered by the supplicant, it is in reality offered by the medicine-man in his behalf.
There are head medicine-men and medicine-men of lesser degree. The man who becomes influential enough to be considered the head medicine-man of the tribe is more of a politician than a doctor of diseases, and in important cases only is he called to treat in a healing ceremony. It requires a particularly capable Indian to attain the position of head medicine-man, for to do so he must not only make the people subservient to his will, but must wrest the leadership from some other and usually older medicine-man who is himself an influential character. Unfortunately it is apt to be the most crafty, scheming man who gains such power over his tribesmen.
A case in point was the recent strife between Das Lan and
Goshonné. For some years the latter, an Indian of exceptional
ability and withal apparently an honest man in his treatment of
diseases, was the head medicine-man of the White Mountain
Apache. Then it came to pass that the crafty old Das Lan
of the Cibicu had his vision, in which was revealed a special
From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis
From the first there was promise of a battle to the end between Goshonné and Das Lan. Goshonné well knew that if the new cult gained a firm footing he would lose his influence and at best be but a mediocre medicine-man. Das Lan, on the other hand, knew that he must break the power of such a man as Goshonné, if he was to assume the leadership. Goshonné scoffed and scorned, and would have none of the new belief. Still, he was an Indian, and the prophecies of his rival gradually filled him with superstitious fear, while his followers were either deserting him openly or were secretly joining the ranks of the enemy. Death was predicted for the members of Goshonné's own family, and well could Das Lan make such prophecies, for Goshonné's two brothers were already stricken with tuberculosis. First one died, then the other. Das Lan could now point to him and say, "That is what Kútĕrastan does to those who do not believe!" It was thus that Goshonné's power finally was broken and Das Lan became a seer.
Sacred pollen, hádĭntĭn, is used in all ceremonies, particularly
in those designed for healing. The principal source of hádĭntĭn
is the tule, but much of it comes from the piñon. For prayers
invoking an abundance of corn, pollen is mixed with cornmeal.
Not only do the medicine-men use this powder, but each individual
carries a small quantity of it in a deerskin pouch somewhere
about his person. In the pollen may be small medicine
trinkets—sometimes consisting of a few shell beads from prehistoric
ruins—and there is scarcely a person, old or young,
who does not have a small section of the candle cactus fastened
somewhere about his clothing.
When childbirth approaches, the medicine-men are always
summoned. Nothing can give a better idea of the medicine rites
on such an occasion, and of the use of sacred pollen, than a description
of a maternity belt procured by the writer and here illustrated.
So far as can be learned, this belt is very old, so old that its
painted symbolic figures have been three times renewed. Belts
The belt is made from skin of the mountain lion, the
black-tail deer, the white-tail deer, and the antelope—animals
which give birth to their young without trouble. Medicine-men
are called in to pray to the spirits of these animals when a
woman approaching confinement puts on the belt. It is worn
for a day or so only, but constantly during the critical period, not
being removed until after the child is born. Prayers are made,
first by a mother or father for their daughter, then by a medicine-man,
and lastly by the patient to the gods and elements depicted
on the belt. These figures are all connected with lightning lines.
The first one to the left is Stĕnátlĭhăn; on the same portion is the
Snake Girl, Klĭshcho Nalí̆n; the next is Nayé̆nĕzganĭ, the third
Tubadzĭschí̆nĭ, and the last Yólkai Nalí̆n. The sharp points
around the circular abodes of the two goddesses represent barricades
for protection. At the real homes of these deities, none
can pass through these barriers.
Each of the gods from left to right is prayed to successively,
and hádĭntĭn is sprinkled around them afterward. Stĕnátlĭhăn is
the first to be addressed by the prospective mother:
"We are your children. When you gave birth to your children, it caused you no trouble. Make me like yourself, that my child, soon to be born, may come into this world easily and quickly, without pain to me."
Next the Snake Girl is prayed to:
"Klí̆shcho Nalí̆n, you came into this life with ease. Do what you can for me now, that my child may come in like manner."
Then to Nayé̆nĕzganĭ:
"Help my babe, soon to be born, to come as you did—quickly, easily, and without pain."
The belt in Nayé̆nĕzganĭ's left hand represents the one worn
by his mother, Stĕnátlĭhăn, when he was born. There was a time
when skirts, too, having the same magic power the belt isn when the two
brothers were born.
From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis
Yólkai Nalí̆n is the favorite goddess from whom, in their belief, the Apache women are endowed with great beneficence. She lives in the skies, where all souls go. The prayer to her is, as to the others, "Save me from pain and let my child come as you did."
Clouds at the feet of Nayé̆nĕzganĭ typify the bounties of the world into which it is hoped and prayed the child will be happily born.
The prayers finished, hádĭntĭn is sifted over all the figures.
Beginning at the left, the lightning line is followed into
Stĕnátlĭhăn's abode, which is then encircled, and the sacred
powder is liberally sprinkled around and over her body. Each
figure is treated in like manner.
The accompanying plate shows a medicine-cap made by Yotlú̆nĭ, a medicine-man, about forty years ago, to cure a boy of lightning stroke which had impaired his reason, and a small wooden image of a god recently made to be carried by a girl troubled with nervousness. On both these objects the gods and elements which cause afflictions and which alone can give relief are symbolically represented.
The central figure on the cap pictures Ndídĭlhkĭzn, Lightning
Maker, with lightning, hádĭlhkĭh, in zigzag lines above
his head and beneath his feet. The broad arch indicates
clouds with rifts in them, out of which the evil came and
into which it may return. The cross of abalone, the small
white bead, and the eagle feather are media through which
Tu Ntĕlh (Wide Water), Yólkai Nalí̆n (White-Shell Girl), and
Itsád Ndé̆yu (Eagle People) are supplicated.
The cap was worn at night by the boy, whose parents each
morning at sunrise prayed to the various gods and elements
represented on it, invoking them to take back that which theyhádĭnĭn was sifted upon the symbol representing
the deity addressed.
As the boy soon recovered, the virtue of the cap was attested, and subsequently its owner often hired it to others.
The little wooden image represents Hádĭnĭn Skhĭn, Pollen Boy, God of Health. The painted figures on the skin pouch in which it is carried are similar to those on the cap, and all are supplicated in the same manner. The medicine-man who made the image and pouch received a horse from the father of the patient in payment; but not the least interesting feature of the case for which these objects were made is that the god of the natives received all the credit for the efficient treatment given the afflicted girl for a year by the reservation physician.
Dry-paintings, or figures drawn upon the ground with colored earths, were used in the Apache healing ceremonies, but never to a great extent, and of late years they have been practically abandoned. These paintings, compared with the beautiful, conventional productions of the Navaho, are crude; in making them the Apache always attempt to picture the objects literally rather than to represent them conventionally or symbolically.
On the infrequent occasions when the dry-paintings are
employed, the medicine-man in charge of the ceremony directs
his assistants, at daylight, to begin the painting. When it is
finished he takes his station close to the easternmost figure of the
painting, on its northern side. At the right of the medicine-man
sit twelve chosen singers with a drum. The four masked gáŭn, or
gods, at the same time take their places at the cardinal points.
The patient then enters from the east and sits down on the head
of the large figure in the centre of the dry-painting. As he does
so the medicine-man commences to sing, and is joined by the
chorus at once. They may sing the song four times, or sing four
From Copyright Photograph 1907 by E.S. Curtis
Among the Apache, in the spring of 1906, the excessive use of a combined cross and crescent symbol was noted. Men, women, and children had this anchor-like design cut into wood, tin, and metal talismans, and also tattooed on their faces and branded on their horses. It was used also as a decorative device in much of the new basketry and worked in beads on their moccasins, and new shirts and waists seldom failed to display a cross in narrow yellow and black ribbon in front.
Four years before this time a forceful old medicine-man living on the Cibicu, in a remote corner of the Apache reservation, either through the influence of a vision or other hallucination, or by a desire to become the ruling spirit in the tribe, proclaimed the gospel of a messiah who, he claimed, had appeared to him in the hills and would later return to the deliverance of his tribespeople.
In childhood this future prophet was given the name Das Lan,
Hanging Up, by which designation he is commonly known in
familiar discourse among his tribesmen; but on the census rolls
of the White Mountain agency he is recorded simply as "V-9."
On becoming a medicine-man in his youth, in accordance with
tribal custom he adopted the name—what may be termed a professional
title—Dónĭ Tlí̆shĭ Nôĭltánsh, which signifies Turquoise
Rolling Stone.
As hitherto mentioned, the Apache is the personification of
devoutness in the performance of his religious duties, and no
matter where circumstances may place him, he manages always tohádĭntĭn carefully secreted about his person
for use in paying his devotions to half a score of gods, at least
once every four days. If occasion demands, he may pray every
day, or four times a day, or any multiple of four times. This
custom has a direct bearing on the story of the messiah, which
is this:
Das Lan, in a spirit of more than usual devotion, began a
series of prayers to the gods of Life, Peace, and Plenty, delivered
as usual just as the sun appeared over the eastern mountains. On
the fourth morning, with offerings of hádĭntĭn, he invoked the
benediction of Kútĕrastan, the Creator, Hádĭntĭn Skhĭn, God of
Health, Hádĭntĭn Nalín, Goddess of Crops, and of Chuganaái
himself, the All-seeing Sun. As the fourth pinch of pollen
wafted away on the breeze there appeared the vision, immediately
beneath the sun, of a small bearded dwarf, less than three
feet in height, who approached him, and said:
"I am a messenger sent by Kútĕrastan to talk to you. The
Sun is my father; I have just left him to come to you. You are
to inform all your people that a change is about to be made
in their lives and in the nature of the whole world. In place
of this life of strife and toil with little to eat, all, the white
man as well as the Indian, will be taken to a place where all
things grow without labor, and where there will be no rough,
barren mountains, but instead broad valleys filled with grass,
trees, corn, fruits, nuts, and all kinds of game in abundance.
There, too, you will meet all your fathers and mothers and
brothers and sisters and children who have gone before you from
their homes, for they are now there. There no sickness or death
will visit anyone. The old and feeble will become strong, the
crooked straight, and the blind shall see. But to be taken, all
must have faith, believing as one, and observe these instructions
I am to leave with you. You are commissioned to instruct the
people. Those who believe must adopt the dáiita ílhnaha, the
cross and crescent, as a symbol of faith, for it represents the shape
the new world will have and the road all must travel to reach it,
and any who start on the journey without using this sign will bedáiita ílhnaha marked on them in beads on four sides, and two
eagle feathers attached to the top, ready to wear on the journey.
They must also have new shirts, leggings, and moccasins upon
which this figure has been made in black and white.
From Copyright Photograph 1906 by E.S. Curtis
"The girls and the women must likewise have new clothing,
bearing the sacred symbol, ever in readiness. All their water
bottles, burden baskets, and saddlebags must also bear the sign,
and should any desire to ride horses, only the best, fleet and strong,
branded upon the left buttock with the dáiita ílhnaha, may be
taken. The permanent homes of all people living in bands under
a chief must no longer be scattered, but must be built close
together in long rows, that no time may be lost in assembling
when our Great Father wills that you depart from this life to go
to that where all is peace and plenty. Until that time, which
is not far off, you must conduct yourselves as I have directed,
discarding also all old medicine symbols for the new."
The plain Greek cross and the crescent have been used by the Apache as decorative and religious symbols from early times, but this recent adaptation of the combined form came as a sudden wave.
With an unusually strong personality, Das Lan had long been held in fear by those who knew him best, and with his story of the new messiah he soon became of great prominence in the tribe. Das Lan first made confidants of the leading spirits in the various bands, who in turn converted others to the new faith before public announcement was made. Having won the strongest men in the tribe through personal appeal to their vanity, the crafty Das Lan could now remain at home, enjoying the prosperous practice that grew out of his new cult.
Throughout the reservation those most deeply affected by the
messiah belief have been appointed spies over the others. If any