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Title: The Maya Chronicles
       Brinton's Library Of Aboriginal American Literature,  Number 1

Author: Various

Editor: Daniel G. Brinton

Release Date: December 28, 2006 [EBook #20205]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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Transcriber's Note

A number of typographical errors and inconsistencies have been
maintained in this version of this book. They have been marked with a
[TN-#], which refers to a description in the complete list found at the
end of the text. One error that was corrected is also listed at the end
of the text.

Oe ligatures used in the original text have been expanded. The following
codes are used for characters that are not able to be represented in the
text format used for this version of the book.

  [c]   small open o
  [C]   capital open o
  [=h]  h with stroke
  [)o]  o with breve
  [)u]  u with breve
  [k]   tresillo




              LIBRARY

                OF

        ABORIGINAL AMERICAN
            LITERATURE.

               No. 1.

             EDITED BY

           D. G. BRINTON




        BRINTON'S LIBRARY OF
  ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE.
             NUMBER 1.




                THE
          MAYA CHRONICLES.




             EDITED BY
         DANIEL G. BRINTON


             AMS PRESS
              NEW YORK




  Reprinted from the edition of 1882, Philadelphia
  First AMS EDITION published 1969
  Manufactured in the United States of America

  Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 70-83457

  AMS PRESS, INC.
  New York, N.Y. 10003




                    TO THE MEMORY
                         OF
             CARL HERMANN BERENDT, M.D.,

  WHOSE LONG AND EARNEST DEVOTION TO THE ETHNOLOGY
    AND LINGUISTICS OF AMERICA HAS MADE THIS WORK
       POSSIBLE, AND WHOSE UNTIMELY DEATH HAS
          LOST TO AMERICAN SCHOLARS RESULTS
             OF FAR GREATER IMPORTANCE,

              THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED.




PREFACE.


The belief that the only solid foundation for the accurate study of
American ethnology and linguistics must be in the productions of the
native mind in their original form has led me to the venturesome
undertaking of which this is the first issue. The object of the proposed
series of publications is to preserve permanently a number of rude
specimens of literature composed by the members of various American
tribes, and exhibiting their habits of thought, modes of expressions,
intellectual range and æsthetic faculties.

Whether the literary and historical value of these monuments is little
or great, they merit the careful attention of all who would weigh and
measure the aboriginal mind, and estimate its capacities correctly.

The neglect of this field of study is largely owing to a deficiency of
material for its pursuit. Genuine specimens of native literature are
rare, and almost or quite inaccessible. They remain in manuscript in the
hands of a few collectors, or, if printed, they are in forms not
convenient to obtain, as in the ponderous transactions of learned
societies, or in privately printed works. My purpose is to gather
together from these sources a dozen volumes of moderate size and
reasonable price, and thus to put the material within the reach of
American and European scholars.

Now that the first volume is ready, I see in it much that can be
improved upon in subsequent issues. I must ask for it an indulgent
criticism, for the novelty of the undertaking and its inherent
difficulties have combined to make it less finished and perfected than
it should have been.

If the series meets with a moderate encouragement, it will be continued
at the rate of two or three volumes of varying size a year, and will, I
think, prove ultimately of considerable service to the students of man
in his simpler conditions of life and thought, especially of American
man.




CONTENTS.


INTRODUCTION.

  § 1. The Name Maya, p. 9. § 2. The Maya Linguistic Family, p. 17.
    § 3. Origin of the Maya Tribes, p. 20. § 4. Political Condition at
    the Time of the Conquest, p. 25. § 5. Grammatical Observations, p. 27.
    § 6. The Numeral System, p. 37. § 7. The Calendar, p. 50. § 8. Ancient
    Hieroglyphic Books, p. 61. § 9. Modern Maya Manuscripts, p. 67.
    § 10. Grammars and Dictionaries, p. 72.


THE CHRONICLES.

  INTRODUCTORY                                                     p. 81

    I. The Series of the Katuns, p. 89. Text, p. 95. Translation,
       p. 100. Notes, p. 106.

   II. The Series of the Katuns, p. 136. Text, p. 138. Translation,
       p. 144. Notes, p. 150.

  III. The Record of the Count of the Katuns, p. 152. Text, p. 153.
       Translation, p. 158. Notes, p. 163.

   IV. The Maya Katuns, p. 165. Text, p. 166. Translation, p. 169.
       Notes, p. 173.

    V. The Chief Katuns, p. 177. Text, p. 178. Translation, p. 180.
       Notes, p. 182.


THE CHRONICLE OF CHAC XULUB CHEN.

  Introductory, p. 189. Text, p. 193. Translation, p. 216. Notes,
  p. 242.

  VOCABULARY                                                      p. 261




I.

INTRODUCTION.

CONTENTS.

1. THE NAME "MAYA." 2. THE MAYA LINGUISTIC FAMILY. 3. ORIGIN OF THE MAYA
TRIBES. 4. POLITICAL CONDITION AT THE TIME OF THE CONQUEST. 5.
GRAMMATICAL OBSERVATIONS. 6. THE NUMERAL SYSTEM. 7. THE CALENDAR. 8.
ANCIENT HIEROGLYPHIC BOOKS. 9. MODERN MAYA MANUSCRIPTS. 10. GRAMMARS AND
DICTIONARIES OF THE LANGUAGE.


§ 1. _The Name "Maya."_

In his second voyage, Columbus heard vague rumors of a mainland westward
from Jamaica and Cuba, at a distance of ten days' journey in a
canoe.[9-1] Its inhabitants were said to be clothed, and the specimens
of wax which were found among the Cubans must have been brought from
there, as they themselves did not know how to prepare it.

During his fourth voyage (1503-4), when he was exploring the Gulf
southwest from Cuba, he picked up a canoe laden with cotton clothing
variously dyed. The natives in it gave him to understand that they were
merchants, and came from a land called MAIA.[10-1]

This is the first mention in history of the territory now called
Yucatan, and of the race of the Mayas; for although a province of
similar name was found in the western extremity of the island of Cuba,
the similarity was accidental, as the evidence is conclusive that no
colony of the Mayas was found on the Antilles.[10-2] These islands were
peopled by a wholly different stock, the remnants of whose language
prove them to have been the northern outposts of the Arawacks of Guiana,
and allied to the great Tupi-Guaranay stem of South America.

MAYA was the patrial name of the natives of Yucatan. It was the proper
name of the northern portion of the peninsula. No single province bore
it at the date of the Conquest, and probably it had been handed down as
a generic term from the period, about a century before, when this whole
district was united under one government.

The natives of all this region called themselves _Maya uinic_, Maya men,
or _ah Mayaa_, those of Maya; their language was _Maya than_, the Maya
speech; a native woman was _Maya c[=h]uplal_; and their ancient capital
was _Maya pan_, the MAYA banner, for there of old was set up the
standard of the nation, the elaborately worked banner of brilliant
feathers, which, in peace and in war, marked the rallying point of the
Confederacy.

We do not know where they drew the line from others speaking the same
tongue. That it excluded the powerful tribe of the Itzas, as a recent
historian thinks,[12-1] seems to be refuted by the documents I bring
forward in the present volume; that, on the other hand, it did not
include the inhabitants of the southwestern coast appears to be
indicated by the author of one of the oldest and most complete
dictionaries of the language. Writing about 1580, when the traditions of
descent were fresh, he draws a distinction between the _lengua de Maya_
and the _lengua de Campeche_.[12-2] The latter was a dialect varying
very slightly from pure Maya, and I take it, this manner of indicating
the distinction points to a former political separation.

The name Maya is also found in the form _Mayab_, and this is asserted by
various Yucatecan scholars of the present generation, as Pio Perez,
Crescencio Carrillo, and Eligio Ancona, to be the correct ancient form,
while the other is but a Spanish corruption.[13-1]

But this will not bear examination. All the authorities, native as well
as foreign, of the sixteenth century, write _Maya_. It is impossible to
suppose that such laborious and earnest students as the author of the
Dictionary of Motul, as the grammarian and lexicographer Gabriel de San
Buenaventura, and as the educated natives whose writings I print in this
volume, could all have fallen into such a capital blunder.[13-2]

The explanation I have to offer is just the reverse. The use of the
terminal _b_ in "Mayab" is probably a dialectic error, other examples of
which can be quoted. Thus the writer of the Dictionary of Motul informs
us that the form _maab_ is sometimes used for the ordinary negative
_ma_, no; but, he adds, it is a word of the lower classes, _es palabra
de gente comun_. So I have little doubt but that _Mayab_ is a vulgar
form of the word, which may have gradually gained ground.

As at present used, the accent usually falls on the first syllable,
_Ma´ya_, and the best old authorities affirm this as a rule; but it is a
rule subject to exceptions, as at the end of a sentence and in certain
dialects Dr. Berendt states that it is not infrequently heard as
_Ma´ya´_ or even _Maya´_.[14-1]

The meaning and derivation of the word have given rise to the usual
number of nonsensical and far-fetched etymologies. The Greek, the
Sanscrit, the ancient Coptic and the Hebrew have all been called in to
interpret it. I shall refer to but a few of these profitless
suggestions.

The Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg) quotes as the opinion of Don Ramon de
Ordoñez, the author of a strange work on American archæology, called
_History of the Heaven and the Earth_, that _Maya_ is but an
abbreviation of the phrase _ma ay ha_, which, the Abbé adds, means word
for word, _non adest aqua_, and was applied to the peninsula on account
of the scarcity of water there.[15-1]

Unfortunately that phrase has no such, nor any, meaning in Maya; were it
_ma yan haa_, it would have the sense he gives it; and further, as the
Abbé himself remarked in a later work, it is not applicable to Yucatan,
where, though rivers are scarce, wells and water abound. He therefore
preferred to derive it from _ma_ and _ha_, which he thought he could
translate either "Mother of the Water," or "Arm of the Land!"[15-2]

The latest suggestion I have noticed is that of Eligio Ancona, who,
claiming that _Mayab_ is the correct form, and that this means "not
numerous," thinks that it was applied to the first native settlers of
the land, on account of the paucity of their numbers![15-3]

All this seems like learned trifling. The name may belong to that
ancient dialect from which are derived many of the names of the days and
months in the native calendar, and which, as an esoteric language, was
in use among the Maya priests, as was also one among the Aztecs of
Mexico. Instances of this, in fact, are very common among the American
aborigines, and no doubt many words were thus preserved which could not
be analyzed to their radicals through the popular tongue.

Or, if it is essential to find a meaning, why not accept the obvious
signification of the name? _Ma_ is the negative "no," "not;" _ya_ means
rough, fatiguing, difficult, painful, dangerous. The compound _maya_ is
given in the Dictionary of Motul with the translations "not arduous nor
severe; something easy and not difficult to do;" _cosa no grave ni
recia; cosa facil y no dificultosa de hacer_. It was used adjectively as
in the phrase, _maya u chapahal_, his sickness is not dangerous. So they
might have spoken of the level and fertile land of Yucatan, abounding in
fruit and game, that land to which we are told they delighted to give,
as a favorite appellation, the term _u luumil ceh, u luumil cutz_, the
land of the deer, the land of the wild turkey; of this land, I say, they
might well have spoken as of one not fatiguing, not rough nor
exhausting.


§ 2. _The Maya Linguistic Family._

Whatever the primitive meaning and first application of the name Maya,
it is now used to signify specifically the aborigines of Yucatan. In a
more extended sense, in the expression "the Maya family," it is
understood to embrace all tribes, wherever found, who speak related
dialects presumably derived from the same ancient stock as the Maya
proper.

Other names for this extended family have been suggested, as Maya-Kiche,
Mam-Huastec, and the like, compounded of the names of two or more of the
tribes of the group. But this does not appear to have much advantage
over the simple expression I have given, though "Maya-Kiche" may be
conveniently employed to prevent confusion.

These affiliated tribes are, according to the investigations of Dr. Carl
Hermann Berendt, the following:--

   1. The Maya proper, including the Lacandons.

   2. The Chontals of Tabasco, on and near the coast west of the mouth
      of the Usumacinta.

   3. The Tzendals, south of the Chontals.

   4. The Zotzils, south of the Tzendals.

   5. The Chaneabals, south of the Zotzils.

   6. The Chols, on the upper Usumacinta.

   7. The Chortis, near Copan.

   8. The Kekchis, and

   9. The Pocomchis, in Vera Paz.

  10. The Pocomams.    }

  11. The Mams.        }

  12. The Kiches.      }

  13. The Ixils.       }   In or bordering on Guatemala.

  14. The Cakchiquels. }

  15. The Tzutuhils.   }

  16. The Huastecs, on the Panuco river and its tributaries, in Mexico.

The languages of these do not differ more, in their extremes, than the
French, Spanish, Italian and other tongues of the so-called Latin races;
while a number resemble each other as closely as the Greek dialects of
classic times.

What lends particular importance to the study of this group of languages
is that it is that which was spoken by the race in several respects the
most civilized of any found on the American continent. Copan, Uxmal and
Palenque are names which at once evoke the most earnest interest in the
mind of every one who has ever been attracted to the subject of the
archæology of the New World. This race, moreover, possessed an abundant
literature, preserved in written books, in characters which were in some
degree phonetic. Enough of these remain to whet, though not to satisfy,
the curiosity of the student.

The total number of Indians of pure blood speaking the Maya proper may
be estimated as nearly or quite 200,000, most of them in the political
limits of the department of Yucatan; to these should be added nearly
100,000 of mixed blood, or of European descent, who use the tongue in
daily life.[19-1] For it forms one of the rare examples of American
languages possessing vitality enough not only to maintain its own
ground, but actually to force itself on European settlers and supplant
their native speech. It is no uncommon occurrence in Yucatan, says Dr.
Berendt, to find whole families of pure white blood who do not know one
word of Spanish, using the Maya exclusively. It has even intruded on
literature, and one finds it interlarded in books published in Merida,
very much as lady novelists drop into French in their imaginative
effusions.[20-1]

The number speaking the different dialects of the stock are roughly
estimated at half a million, which is probably below the mark.


§ 3. _Origin of the Maya Tribes._

The Mayas did not claim to be autochthones. Their legends referred to
their arrival by the sea from the East, in remote times, under the
leadership of Itzamna, their hero-god, and also to a less numerous,
immigration from the west, from Mexico, which was connected with the
history of another hero-god, Kukul Càn.

The first of these appears to be wholly mythical, and but a repetition
of the story found among so many American tribes, that their ancestors
came from the distant Orient. I have elsewhere explained this to be but
a solar or light myth.[20-2]

The second tradition deserves more attention from the historian, as it
is supported by some of their chronicles and by the testimony of several
of the most intelligent natives of the period of the conquest, which I
present on a later page of this volume.

It cannot be denied that the Mayas, the Kiches and the Cakchiquels, in
their most venerable traditions, claimed to have migrated from the north
or west, from some part of the present country of Mexico.

These traditions receive additional importance from the presence on the
shores of the Mexican Gulf, on the waters of the river Panuco, north of
Vera Cruz, of a prominent branch of the Maya family, the _Huastecs_. The
idea suggests itself that these were the rearguard of a great migration
of the Maya family from the north toward the south.

Support is given to this by their dialect, which is most closely akin to
that of the Tzendals of Tabasco, the nearest Maya race to the south of
them, and also by very ancient traditions of the Aztecs.

It is noteworthy that these two partially civilized races, the Mayas and
the Aztecs, though differing radically in language, had legends which
claimed a community of origin in some indefinitely remote past. We find
these on the Maya side narrated in the sacred book of the Kiches, the
_Popol Vuh_, in the Cakchiquel _Records of Tecpan Atitlan_, and in
various pure Maya sources which I bring forward in this volume. The
Aztec traditions refer to the Huastecs, and a brief analysis of them
will not be out of place.

At a very remote period the Mexicans, under their leader Mecitl, from
whom they took their name, arrived in boats at the mouth of the river
Panuco, at the place called Panotlan, which name means "where one
arrives by sea." With them were the Olmecs under their leader Olmecatl,
the Huastecs, under their leader Huastecatl, the Mixtecs and others.
They journeyed together and in friendship southward, down the coast,
quite to the volcanoes of Guatemala, thence to Tamoanchan, which is
described as the terrestial[TN-1] paradise, and afterwards, some of them
at least, northward and eastward, toward the shores of the Gulf.

On this journey the intoxicating beverage made from the maguey, called
_octli_ by the Aztecs, _cii_ by the Mayas, and _pulque_ by the
Spaniards, was invented by a woman whose name was _Mayauel_, in which we
can scarcely err in recognizing the national appellation _Maya_.[23-1]
Furthermore, the invention is closely related to the history of the
Huastecs. Their leader, alone of all the chieftains, drank to excess,
and in his drunkenness threw aside his garments and displayed his
nakedness. When he grew sober, fear and shame impelled him to collect
all those who spoke his language, and leaving the other tribes, he
returned to the neighborhood of Panuco and settled there
permanently.[23-2]

The annals of the Aztecs contain frequent allusions to the Huastecs. The
most important contest between the two nations took place in the reign
of Montezuma the First (1440-1464). The attack was made by the Aztecs,
for the alleged reason that the Huastecs had robbed and killed Aztec
merchants on their way to the great fairs in Guatemala. The Huastecs are
described as numerous, dwelling in walled towns, possessing quantities
of maize, beans, feathers and precious stones, and painting their faces.
They were signally defeated by the troops of Montezuma, but not reduced
to vassalage.[24-1]

At the time of the Conquest the province of the Huastecs was densely
peopled; "none more so under the sun," remarks the Augustinian friar
Nicolas de Witte, who visited it in 1543; but even then he found it
almost deserted and covered with ruins, for, a few years previous, the
Spaniards had acted towards its natives with customary treachery and
cruelty. They had invited all the chiefs to a conference, had enticed
them into a large wooden building, and then set fire to it and burned
them alive. When this merciless act became known the Huastecs deserted
their villages and scattered among the forests and mountains.[24-2]

These traditions go to show that the belief among the Aztecs was that
the tribes of the Maya family came originally from the north or
northeast, and were at some remote period closely connected with their
own ancestors.


§ 4. _Political Condition at the Time of the Conquest._

When the Spaniards first explored the coasts of Yucatan they found the
peninsula divided into a number of independent petty states. According
to an authority followed by Herrera, these were eighteen in number.
There is no complete list of their names, nor can we fix with certainty
their boundaries. The following list gives their approximate position.
On the west coast, beginning at the south--

   1. _Acalan_, on the Bahia de Terminos.
   2. _Tixchel_ (or Telchac?)
   3. _Champoton_ (Chakanputun, or Potonchan).
   4. _Kinpech_ (Campech or Campeche).
   5. _Canul_ (Acanul or H' Canul).
   6. _Hocabaihumun._
   7. _Cehpech_, in which Merida was founded.
   8. _Zipatan_, on the northwest coast.

On the east coast, beginning at the north--

   9. _Choaca_, near Cape Cotoche.
  10. _Ekab_, opposite the Island of Cozumel.
  11. _Conil_, or of the Cupuls.[TN-3]
  13. _Bakhalal_, or Bacalar.
  14. _Chetemal._
  15. _Taitza_, the Peten district.

Central provinces--

  16. _H' Chel_ (or Ah Kin Chel) in which Itzamal
       was located.
  17. _Zotuta_, of the Cocoms.
  18. _Mani_, of the Xius.
  19. _Cochuah_ (or Cochva, or Cocolá), the principal
       town of which was Ichmul.

As No. 15, the Peten district, was not conquered by the Spaniards until
1697, it was doubtless not included in the list drawn up by Herrera's
authority, so that the above would correspond with his statement.

Each of these provinces was ruled by a hereditary chief, who was called
_batab_, or _batabil uinic_ (_uinic_=man). He sometimes bore two names,
the first being that of his mother, the second of his father, as _Can
Ek_, in which _Can_ was from the maternal, _Ek_ from the paternal line.
The surname (_kaba_) descended through the male. It was called _hach
kaba_, the true name, or _hool kaba_, the head name. Much attention was
paid to preserving the genealogy, and the word for "of noble birth" was
_ah kaba_, "he who has a name."

Each village of a province was organized under a ruler, who was styled
_halach uinic_, the true or real man. Frequently he was a junior member
of the reigning family. He was assisted by a second in command, termed
_ah kulel_, as a lieutenant, and various subordinate officials, whose
duties will be explained in the notes to Nakuk Pech's narrative.

Personal tenure of land did not exist. The town lands were divided out
annually among the members of the community, as their wants required,
the consumption of each adult being calculated at twenty loads (of a
man) of maize each year, this being the staple food.[27-1]


§ 5. _Grammatical Observations._

Compared with many American languages, the Maya is simple in
construction. It is analytic rather than synthetic; most of its roots
are monosyllables or dissyllables, and the order of their arrangement is
very similar to that in English. It has been observed that foreigners,
coming to Yucatan, ignorant of both Spanish and Maya, acquire a
conversational knowledge of the latter more readily than of the
former.[28-1]

An examination of the language explains this. Neither nouns nor
adjectives undergo any change for gender, number or case. Before animate
nouns the gender may be indicated by the prefixes _ah_ and _ix_,
equivalent to the English _he_ and _she_ in such expressions as
_he-bear_, _she-bear_. The plural particle is _ob_, which can be
suffixed to animate nouns, but is in fact the third person plural of the
personal pronoun.

The conjugations of the verbs are four in number. All passives and
neuters end in _l_, and also a certain number of active verbs; these
form the first conjugation, while the remaining three are of active
verbs only. The time-forms of the verb are three, the present, the
aorist, and the future. Taking the verb _nacal_, to ascend, these forms
are _nacal_, _naci_, _nacac_. The present indicative is:--

  Nacal in cah,             I ascend.
  Nacal á cah,              thou ascendest.
  Nacal ú cah,              he ascends.
  Nacal c cah,              we ascend.
  Nacal a cah ex,           you ascend.
  Nacal u cah ob,           they ascend.

When this form is analyzed, we discover that _in_, _á_, _ú_, _c_,
_a-ex_, _u-ob_, are personal possessive pronouns, my, thy, his, our,
your, their; and that _nacal_ and _cah_ are in fact verbal nouns
standing in apposition. _Cah_, which is the sign of the present tense,
means the doing, making, being occupied or busy at something. Hence
_nacal in cah_, I ascend, is literally "the ascent, my being occupied
with." The imperfect tense is merely the present with the additional
verbal noun _cuchi_ added, as--

  Nacal in cah cuchi,       I was ascending.
  Nacal á cah cuchi,        Thou wast ascending.
                                   etc.

_Cuchi_ means carrying on, bearing along, and the imperfect may thus be
rendered:--

"The ascent, my being occupied with, carrying on."

This is what has been called by Friedrich Müller the "possessive
conjugation," the pronoun used being not in the nominative but in the
possessive form.

The aorist presents a different mode of formation:--

  Nac-en, (i.e. Naci-en)    I ascended.
  Nac-ech,                  Thou ascended.
  Naci,                     He ascended.
  Nac-on,                   We ascended.
  Nac-ex,                   You ascended.
  Nac-ob,                   They ascended.

Here _en_, _ech_, _on_, _ex_, are apparently the simple personal
pronouns I, thou, we, you, and are used predicatively. The future is
also conjugated in this form by the use of the verbal _bin_, _binel_, to
go:

  Bin nacac en,             I am going to ascend.
  Bin nacac ech,            Thou art going to ascend.
                                         etc.

The present of all the active verbs uses this predicative form, while
their aorists and futures employ possessive forms. Thus:--

  Ten cambezic,             I teach him.
  Tech cambezic,            Thou teaches him.
  Lay cambezic,             He teaches him.

Here, however, I must note a difference of opinion between eminent
grammatical critics. Friedrich Müller considers all such forms as--

  Nac-en,                   I ascended,

to exhibit "the predicative power of the true verb," basing his opinion
on the analogy of such expressions as--

  Ten batab en,             I (am) a chief.[31-1]

M. Lucien Adam, on the other hand, says:--"The intransitive preterit
_nac-en_ may seem morphologically the same as the Aryan _ás-mi_; but
here again, _nac_ is a verbal noun, as is demonstrated by the plural of
the third person _nac-ob_, 'the ascenders.' _Nac-en_ comes to mean
'ascender [formerly] me.'"[31-2]

I am inclined to think that the French critic is right, and that, in
fact, there is no true verb in the Maya, but merely verbal nouns,
_nomina actionis_, to which the pronouns stand either in the possessive
or objective relations, or, more remotely, in the possessive relation to
another verbal noun in apposition, as _cah_, _cuchi_, etc. The
importance of this point in estimating the structure of the language
will be appreciated by those who have paid any attention to the science
of linguistics.

The objective form of the conjugation is composed of the simple personal
pronouns of both persons, together with the possessive of the agent and
the particle _ci_, which conveys the accessory notion of present action
towards. Thus, from _moc_, to tie:--

  Ten c in moc ech,         I tie thee,
         literally,         I my present tying thee.

These refinements of analysis have, of course, nothing to do with the
convenience of the language for practical purposes. As it has no dual,
no inclusive and exclusive plurals, no articles nor substantive verb, no
transitions, and few irregular verbs, its forms are quickly learned. It
is not polysynthetic, at any rate, not more so than French, and its
words undergo no such alteration by agglutination as in Aztec and
Algonkin. Syncopated forms are indeed common, but to no greater extent
than in colloquial English. The unit of the tongue remains the word, not
the sentence, and we find no immeasurable words, expressing in
themselves a whole paragraph, such as grammarians like to quote from the
Eskimo, Aztec, Qquichua and other highly synthetic languages.

The position of words in a sentence is not dissimilar from that in
English. The adjective precedes the noun it qualifies, and sentences
usually follow the formula, subject--verbal--object. Thus:--

  _Hemac cu  yacuntic  Diose,       utz  uinic._
   He    who   loves    God,  [is]  good  man.

But transposition is allowable, as--

  _Taachili    u tzicic    u    yum     uinic._
   Generally     obeys    his   father, a man.

As shown in this last example, the genitive relation is indicated by the
possessive pronoun, as it sometimes was in English, "John, his book;"
but the Maya is "his book John," _u huun Juan_.

Another method which is used for indicating the genitive and ablative
relations is the termination _il_. This is called "the determinative
ending," and denotes whose is the object named, or of what. It is
occasionally varied to _al_ and _el_, to correspond to the last
preceding vowel, but this "vocalic echo" is not common in Maya. While it
denotes use, it does not convey the idea of ownership. Thus, _u c[=h]een
in yum_, my father's well, means the well that belongs to my father; but
_c[=h]enel in yum_, my father's well, means the well from which he
obtains water, but in which he has no proprietorship. Material used is
indicated by this ending, as _xanil na_, a house of straw (_xan_, straw,
_na_, house).

Compound words are frequent, but except occasional syncope, the members
of the compound undergo no change. There is little resembling the
incapsulation (_emboitement_) that one sees in most American languages.
Thus, midnight, _chumucakab_, is merely a union of _chumuc_, middle, and
_akab_, night; dawn, _ahalcab_, is _ahal_, to awaken, _cab_, the world.

While from the above brief sketch it will be seen that the Maya is free
from many of the difficulties which present themselves in most American
tongues, it is by no means devoid of others.

In its _phonetics_, it possesses six elements which to the Spaniards
were new. They are represented by the signs:

  c[=h],   k,   pp,   t[=h],  tz,   [c].

Of these the c[=h] resembles dch, pronounced forcibly; the [c] is as dz;
the pp is a forcible double p; and in the t[=h] the two letters are to
be pronounced separately and forcibly. There remains the _k_ which is
the most difficult of all. It is a sort of palato-guttural, the only one
in the language, and its sound can only be acquired by long practice.

The _particles_ are very numerous, and make up the life of the language.
By them are expressed the relations of space and time, and all the finer
shades of meaning. Probably no one not to the manor born could render
correctly their full force. Buenaventura, in his Grammar, enumerates
sixteen different significations of the particle _il_.[35-1]

The elliptical and obscure style adopted by most native writers, partly
from ignorance of the art of composition, partly because they imitated
the mystery in expression affected by their priests, forms a serious
obstacle even to those fairly acquainted with the current language.
Moreover, the older manuscripts contain both words and forms unfamiliar
to a cultivated Yucatecan of to-day.

I must, however, not omit to contradict formally an assertion made by
the traveler Waldeck, and often repeated, that the language has
undergone such extensive changes that what was written a century ago is
unintelligible to a native of to-day. So far is this from the truth
that, except for a few obsolete words, the narrative of the Conquest,
written more than three hundred years ago, by the chief Pech, which I
print in this volume, could be read without much difficulty by any
educated native.

Again, as in all languages largely monosyllabic, there are many
significations attached to one word, and these often widely different.
Thus _kab_ means, a hand; a handle; a branch; sap; an offence; while
_cab_ means the world; a country; strength; honey; a hive; sting of an
insect; juice of a plant; and, in composition, promptness. It will be
readily understood that cases will occur where the context leaves it
doubtful which of these meanings is to be chosen.

These _homonyms_ and _paronyms_, as they are called by grammarians,
offer a fine field for sciolists in philology, wherein to discover
analogies between the Maya and other tongues, and they have been
vigorously culled out for that purpose. All such efforts are
inconsistent with correct methods in linguistics. The folly of the
procedure may be illustrated by comparing the English and the Maya. I
suppose no one will pretend that these languages, at any rate in their
present modern forms, are related. Yet the following are but a few of
the many verbal similarities that could be pointed out:--

  MAYA.        ENGLISH.
  bateel,      battle.
  c[=h]ab,     to grab, to take.
  hol,         hole.
  hun,         one.
  lum,         loam.
  pol,         poll (head).
  potum,       a pot.
  pul,         to pull, carry.
  tun,         stone.

So with the Latin we could find such similarities as _volah_=volo,
_[c]a_=dare, etc.

In fact, no relationship of the Maya linguistic group to any other has
been discovered. It contains a number of words borrowed from the Aztec
(Nahuatl); and the latter in turn presents many undoubtedly borrowed
from the Maya dialects. But this only goes to show that these two great
families had long and close relations; and that we already know, from
their history, traditions and geographical positions.


§ 6. _The Numeral System._

The Mayas had a mathematical turn, and possessed a developed system of
numeration. It counted by units and scores; in other words, it was a
vigesimal system. The cardinal numbers were:--

  Hun,           one.
  Ca,            two.
  Ox,            three.
  Can,           four.
  Ho,            five.
  Uac,           six.
  Uuc,           seven.
  Uaxac,         eight.
  Bolon,         nine.
  Lahun,         ten.
  Buluc,         eleven.
  Lahca,         twelve.
  Oxlahun,       thirteen.
  Canlahun,      fourteen.
  Holhun,        fifteen.
  Uaclahun,      sixteen.
  Uuclahun,      seventeen.
  Uaxaclahun,    eighteen.
  Bolonlahun,    nineteen.
  Hunkal,        twenty.

The composition of these numerals from twelve to nineteen inclusive is
easily seen. _Lahun_ is apparently a compound of _lah hun_ (sc.
_uinic_), "it finishes one (man);" that is, in counting on the fingers.
_Lah_ means the end, to end, and also the whole of anything. _Kal_, a
score, is literally a fastening together, a shutting up, from the verb
_kal_, to shut, to lock, to button up, etc.

From twenty upward, the scores are used:--

  Hun tu kal,    one to the score, 21.
  Ca tu kal,     two to the score, 22.
  Ox tu kal,   three to the score, 23,

and so on up to

  Ca kal,               two score, 40.

Above forty, three different methods can be used to continue the
numeration.

1. We may continue the same employed between 20 and 40, thus:--

  Hun tu cakal,               one to two score, 41.
  Ca tu cakal,                two to two score, 42.
  Ox tu cakal,              three to two score, 43,

and so on.

2. The numeral copulative _catac_ can be used, with the numeral particle
_tul_; as:--

  Cakal catac catul,         two score and two, 42.
  Cakal catac oxtul,       two score and three, 43.

3. We may count upon the next score above, as:

  Hun tu yoxkal,        one on the third score, 41.
  Ca tu yoxkal,         two on the third score, 42.
  Ox tu yoxkal,       three on the third score, 43.

The last mentioned system is that advanced by Father Beltran, and is the
only one formally mentioned by him. It has recently been carefully
analyzed by Prof. Leon de Rosny, who has shown that it is a consistent
vigesimal method.[40-1]

It might be asked, and the question is pertinent, and is left unanswered
by Prof. Leon de Rosny, why _hun tu kal_ means "one to the score," and
_hun tu can kal_ is translated, "one on the fourth score." This
important shade of meaning may be given, I think, by the possessive _u_
which originally belonged in the phrase, but suffered elision. Properly
it should be,

  Hun tu u can kal.

This seems apparent from other numbers where it has not suffered
elision, but merely incorporation, as:--

  Hun tu yox kal=hun tu u ox kal, 41.
  Hu tu yokal=hun tu u ho kal, 81.

This system of numeration, advanced by Beltran, appears to have been
adopted by all of the later writers, who may have learned the Maya
largely from his Grammar. Thus, in the translation of the Gospel of St.
John, published by the Baptist Bible Translation Society, chap. II, v.
20; _Xupan uactuyoxkal hab utial u mental letile kulnaa_, "forty and six
years was this temple in building;"[41-1] and in that of the Gospel of
St. Luke, said to have been the work of Father Joaquin Ruz, the same
system is followed.[41-2]

Nevertheless, Beltran's method has been severely criticised by Don Juan
Pio Perez, who ranks among the ablest Yucatecan linguists of this
century. He has pronounced it artificial, not in accordance with either
the past or present use of the natives themselves, and built up out of
an effort to assimilate the Maya to the Latin numeral system.

I give his words in the original, from his unpublished essay on Maya
grammar.[42-1]

"Los Indios de Yucatan cuentan por veintenas, que llaman _kal_ y en
cierto modo tienen diez y nueve unidades hasta completar la primera
veintena que es _hunkal_ aunque en el curso de esta solo se encuentran
once numeros simples, pues los nombres de los restantes se forman de los
de la primera decena.

"Para contar de una à otra veintena los numeros fraccionarios ò las diez
y nueve unidades, terminadas por la particula _tul_ ò su sincopa
_tu_,[42-2] se juntan antepuestas à la veintena espresada; por exemplo,
_hunkal_, 20; _huntukal_, 21; _catukal_, 22; y _huntucakal_, 41;
_catucakal_, 42; _oxtucankal_, 83; _cantuhokal_, 140, etc.

"El Padre Fr. Beltran de Santa Rosa, como puede verse en su _Arte de
Lengua Maya_, formó un sistema distinto à este desde la 2ª veintena
hasta la ultima, pues para espresar las unidades entre este y la 3ª
veintena pone à esta terminandolas y por consiguiente rebajandole su
valor por solo su anteposicion à dichas unidades fraccionarias, y asi
para espresar el numero 45 por ejemplo dice _ho tu yoxkal_, cuando
_oxkal_ ò _yoxkal_ significa 60.

"No sé de donde tomó los fundamentos en que se apoya este sistema, quiza
en el uso de su tiempo, que no ha llegado hasta este; aunque he visto en
varios manuscritos antiguos, que los Indios de entonces como los de
ahora, usaban el sistema que indico, y espresaban las unidades integras
que numeraban, y para espresar el numero 65 dicen; _Oxkal catac hotul_ ù
_hotu oxkal_, que usa el Padre Beltran por 45.[43-1]

"Mas el metodo que explico esta apoyado en el uso y aun en el curso que
se advierte en la 1ª y 2ª veintena é indican que asi deben continuar las
decenas hasta la 20ª y no formar sistemas confusos que por ser mas ô
menos análogos à la numeracion romana lo juzgaban mas ô menos perfectos,
porque la consideraban como un tipo a que debia arreglarse cualquiera
otra lengua, cuando en ellas todo lo que no este conforme con el uso
recibido y corriente, es construir castillos en el aire y hacer reformas
que por mas ingeniosas que sean, no pasan de inoficiosas."

In the face of this severe criticism of Father Beltran's system, I
cannot explain how it is that in Pio Perez's own Dictionary of the Maya,
the numerals above 40 are given according to Beltran's system; and that
this was not the work of the editors of that volume (which was published
after his death), is shown by an autographic manuscript of his
dictionary in my possession, written about 1846,[44-1] in which also the
numerals appear in Beltran's form.

Three other manuscript dictionaries in my collection, all composed
previous to 1690, affirm the system of Beltran, and I am therefore
obliged to believe that it was authentic and current among the natives
long before white scholars began to dress up their language in the
ill-fitting garments of Aryan grammar.

Proceeding to higher numbers, it is interesting to note that they also
proceed on the vigesimal system, although this has not heretofore been
distinctly shown. The ancient computation was:

  20 units   = one _kal_                   =         20
  20 kal     = one _bak_                   =        400
  20 bak     = one _pic_                   =      8,000
  20 pic     = one _calab_                 =    160,000
  20 calab   = one _kinchil_ or _tzotzceh_ =  3,200,000
  20 kinchil = one _alau_                  = 64,000,000

This ancient system was obscured by the Spaniards using the word _pic_
to mean 1000 and _kinchil_ to mean 1,000,000, instead of their original
significations.

The meaning of _kal_, I have already explained to be a fastening
together, a package, a bundle. _Bak_, as a verb, is to tie around and
around with a network of cords; _pic_ is the old word for the short
petticoat worn by the women, which was occasionally used as a sac. If we
remember that grains of corn or of cacao were what were generally
employed as counters, then we may suppose these were measures of
quantity. The word _kal_ (_qal_), in Kiche means a score and also
specifically 20 grains of cacao; _bak_ in Cakchiquel means a corn-cob,
and as a verb to shell an ear of corn, but I am not clear of any
connection between this and the numeral. Other meanings of _bak_ in Maya
are "meat" and the _partes pudendas_ of either sex.

_Calab_, seems to be an instrumental form from _cal_, to stuff, to fill
full.[45-1] The word _calam_ is used in the sense of excessive,
overmuch. In Cakchiquel the phrase _mani hu cala_, not (merely) one
_cala_, is synonymous with _mani hu chuvi_, not (merely) one bag or
sack, both meaning a countless number.[46-1] In that dialect the
specific meaning of _cala_ is 20 loads of cacao beans.[46-2]

The term _tzotzceh_ means deerskin, but for _kinchil_ and _alau_, I have
found no satisfactory derivation that does not strain the forms of the
word too much. I would, however, suggest one possible connection of
meaning.

In _kinchil_, we have the word _kin_, day; in _alau_, the word _u_
month, and in the term for mathematical infinity, _hunhablat_, we find
_hun haab_, one year, just as in the related expression, _hunhablazic_,
which signifies that which lasts a whole year. If this suggestion is
well grounded, then in these highest expressions of quantity (and I am
inclined to think that originally _hun hablat_, one _hablat_=20 _alau_)
we have applications of the three time periods, the day, the month, and
the year, with the figurative sense that the increase of one over the
other was as the relative lengths of these different periods.

I think it worth while to go into these etymologies, as they may throw
some light on the graphic representation of the numerals in the Maya
hieroglyphics. It is quite likely that the figures chosen to represent
the different higher units would resemble the objects which their names
literally signify. The first nineteen numerals were written by a
combination of dots and lines, examples of which we find in abundance in
the Codex Troano and other manuscripts. The following explanation of it
is from the pen of a native writer in the last century:--

[Illustration]

"Yantac thun yetel paiche tu pachob, he hunppel thune hunppel bin haabe,
uaix cappele cappel bin haabe, uaix oxppel thuun, ua canppel thuune,
canppel binbe, uaix oxppel thuun baixan; he paichee yan yokol xane, ua
hunppel paichee, hoppel haab bin; ua cappel paichee lahunppiz bin; uaix
hunppel paichee yan yokol xane, ua yan hunppel thuune uacppel bin be;
uaix cappel thuune yan yokol paichee uucppel bin be; ua oxppel thuun yan
yokole, uaxppel binbe; uaixcanppel thun yan yokole paichee (bolonppel
binbe); yanix thun yokol (cappel) paichee buluc piz; uaix cappel thune
lahcapiz; ua oxppel thuun, oxlahunpiz."

"They (our ancestors) used (for numerals in their calendars) dots and
lines back of them; one dot for one year, two dots for two years, three
dots for three, four dots for four, and so on; in addition to these they
used a line; one line meant five years, two lines ten years; if one line
and above it one dot, six years; if two dots above the line, seven
years; if three dots above, eight; if four dots above the line, nine; a
dot above two lines, eleven; if two dots, twelve; if three dots,
thirteen."[48-1]

The plan of using the numerals in Maya differs somewhat from that in
English.

In the first place, they are rarely named without the addition of a
_numeral particle_, which is suffixed. These particles indicate the
character or class of the objects which are, or are about to be,
enumerated. When they are uttered, the hearer at once knows what kind of
objects are to be spoken of. Many of them can be traced to a meaning
which has a definite application to a class, and they have analogues in
European tongues. Thus I may say "seven head of"--and the hearer knows
that I am going to speak of cattle, or sheep, or cabbages, or similar
objects usually counted by heads. So in Maya _ac_ means a turtle or a
turtle shell; hence it is used as a particle in counting canoes, houses,
stools, vases, pits, caves, altars, and troughs, and some general
appropriateness can be seen; but when it is applied also to cornfields,
the analogy seems remote.

Of these numeral particles, not less than _seventy-six_ are given by
Beltran, in his Grammar, and he does not exhaust the list. Of these
_piz_ and _pel_, both of which mean, single, singly, are used in
counting years, and will frequently recur in the annals I present in
this volume.

By their aid another method of numeration was in vogue for counting
time. For "eighty-one years," they did not say _hutuyokal haab_, but
_can kal haab catac hunpel haab_, literally, "four score years and one
year." The copulative _catac_ is also used in adding a smaller number to
a _bak_, or 400, as for 450, _hun bak catac lahuyoxkal_, "one _bak_ and
ten toward the third score." _Catac_ is a compound of _ca tac_, _ca_
meaning "then" or "and," and _tac_, which Dr. Berendt considered to be
an irregular future of _talel_, to come, "then will come fifty," but
which may be the imperative of _tac_ (_tacah_, _tace_, third
conjugation), which means to put something under another, as in the
phrase _tac ex che yalan cum_, put you wood under the pot.

It will be seen that the latter method is by addition, the former by
subtraction. Another variety of the latter is found in the annals. For
instance, "ninety-nine years" is not expressed by _bolonlahutuyokal
haab_, nor yet by _cankal haab catac bolonlahunpel haab_, but by _hunpel
haab minan ti hokal haab_, "one single year lacking from five score
years."


§ 7. _The Calendar._

The system of computing time adopted by the Mayas is a subject too
extensive to be treated here in detail, but it is indispensable, for the
proper understanding of their annals, that the outlines of their
chronological scheme be explained.

The year, _haab_, was intended to begin on the day of the transit of the
sun by the zenith, and was counted from July 16th. It was divided into
eighteen months, _u_ (_u_, month, moon), of twenty days, _kin_ (sun,
day, time), each. The days were divided into groups of five, as
follows:--

  1. _Kan._       6. _Muluc._  11. _Ix._      16. _Cauac._
  2. Chicchan.    7. Oc.       12. Men.       17. Ahau.
  3. Cimi.        8. Chuen.    13. Cib.       18. Imix.
  4. Manik.       9. Eb.       14. Caban.     19. Ik.
  5. Lamat.      10. Ben.      15. E[c]nab.   20. Akbal.

The months, in their order, were:--

   1. Pop.
   2. Uo.
   3. Zip.
   4. Zo[c].
   5. Zeec.
   6. Xul.
   7. [C]e-yaxkin.
   8. Mol.
   9. Chen.
  10. Yaax.
  11. Zac.
  12. Ceh.
  13. Mac.
  14. Kankin.
  15. Moan.
  16. Pax.
  17. Kayab.
  18. Cumku.

As the Maya year was of 365 days, and as 18 months of 20 days each
counted only 360 days, there were five days intervening between the last
of the month Cumku and the first day of the following year. These were
called "days without names," _xma kaba kin_ (_xma_, without, _kaba_,
names, _kin_, days), an expression not quite correct, as they were named
in regular order, only they were not counted in any month.

It will be seen, by glancing at the list of days, that this arrangement
brought at the beginning of each year, the days Kan, Muluc, Ix and Cauac
in turn, and that no other days could begin the year. These days were
therefore called _cuch haab_, "the bearers of the years" (_cuch_, to
bear, carry, _haab_, year), and years were distinguished as "a year
Kan," "a year Muluc," etc., as they began with one or another of these
"year bearers."

But the calendar was not so simple as this. The days were not counted
from one to twenty, and then beginning at one again, and so on, but by
periods of 13 days each. Thus, in the first month, beginning with 1 Kan,
the 14th day of that month begins a new "week," as it has been called,
and is named 1 Caban. Twenty-eight of these weeks make 364 days, thus
leaving one day to complete the year. When the number of these odd days
amounted to 13, in other words when thirteen years had elapsed, this
formed a period which was called "the _katun_ of days," _kin katun_, and
by Spanish writers an "indiction."

It will be readily observed by an inspection of the following table,
that four of these indictions, in other words 52 years, will elapse
before a "year bearer" of the same name and number recommences a year.

  ___________________________________________________________
      _1st year._ | _14th year._ | _27th year._ | _40th year_[TN-5]
  -----------------------------------------------------------
   1 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac
   2 |  Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan
   3 |  Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc
   4 |  Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix
   5 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac
   6 |  Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan
   7 |  Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc
   8 |  Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix
   9 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac
  10 |  Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan
  11 |  Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc
  12 |  Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix
  13 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac.
  -----------------------------------------------------------

A cycle of 52 years was thus obtained in a manner almost identical with
that of the Aztecs, Tarascos and other nations.

But the Mayas took an important step in advance of all their
contemporaries in arranging a much longer cycle.

This long cycle was an application of the vigesimal system to their
reckoning of time. Twenty days were a month, _u_ or _uinal_; twenty
years was a cycle, _katun_. To ask one's age the question was put
_haypel u katunil_? How many katuns have you? And the answer was,
_hunpel katun_, one katun (twenty years), or, _hopel in katunil_, I am
five katuns, or a hundred years old, as the case might be.

The division of the katuns was on the principle of the Beltran system of
numeration (see page 40), as,

  _xel u ca katun_,      thirty years.
  _xel u yox katun_,      fifty years.

Literally these expressions are, "dividing the second katun," "dividing
the third katun," _xel_ meaning to cut in pieces, to divide as with a
knife. They may be compared to the German _dritthalb_, two and a half,
or "the third a half."[54-1]

The Katun of 20 years was divided into five lesser divisions of 4 years
each, called _tzuc_, a word with a signification something like the
English "bunch," and which came to be used as a numeral particle in
counting parts, divisions, paragraphs, reasons, groups of towns,
etc.[54-2]

These _tzuc_ were called by the Spaniards _lustros_, from the Latin
_lustrum_, although that was a period _five_ years. Cogolludo says:
"They counted their eras and ages, which they entered in their books, by
periods of 20 years each, and by _lustros_ of four years each. The first
year they placed in the East [that is, on the Katun-wheel, and in the
figures in their books], calling it _cuch haab_; the second in the West,
called _Hijx_; the third in the South, _Cavac_; and the fourth, Muluc,
in the North, and this served them for the Dominical letter. When five
of the _lustros_ had passed, that is 20 years, they called it a _Katun_,
and they placed one carved stone upon another, cemented with lime and
sand, in the walls of their temples, or in the houses of their
priests."[55-1]

The historian is wrong in saying that the first year was called
_cuchhaab_; that was the name applied to all the Dominical days, and as
I have said, means "year bearer." The first year was called _Kan_, from
the first day of its first month.

This is but one of many illustrations of how cautious we must be in
accepting any statement of the early Spanish writers about the usages of
the natives.

There is, however, some obscurity about the length of the _Katun_. All
the older Spanish writers, without exception, and most of the native
manuscripts, speak of it distinctly as a period of twenty years. Yet
there are three manuscripts of high authority in the Maya which state
that it embraced twenty-four years, although the last four were not
reckoned. This theory was adopted and warmly advocated by Pio Perez, in
his essay on the ancient chronology of Yucatan, and is also borne out by
calculations which have been made on the hieroglyphic Codex Troano, by
M. Delaporte, in France, and Professor Cyrus Thomas, in the United
States.[56-1]

This discrepancy may arise from the custom of counting the katuns by two
different systems, ground for which supposition is furnished by various
manuscripts; but for purposes of chronology and ordinary life, it will
be evident that the writers of the annals in the present volume adopted
the Katun of twenty years' length; while on the other hand the native
Pech, in his History of the Conquest, which is the last piece in the
volume, gives for the beginning and the end of the Katun the years
1517-1541, and therefore must have had in mind one of twenty-four years'
duration. The solution of these contradictions is not yet at hand.

This great cycle of 13 × 20=260 years was called an _ahau Katun_
collectively, and each period in it bore the same name.

This name, _ahau Katun_, deserves careful analysis. _Ahau_ is the
ordinary word for chief, king, ruler. It is probably a compound of _ah_,
which is the male prefix and sign of the _nomen agentis_, and _u_,
collar, a collar of gold or other precious substance, distinguishing the
chiefs. _Katun_ has been variously analyzed. Don Pio Perez supposed it
was a compound of _kat_, to ask, and _tun_, a stone, because at the
close of these periods they set up the sculptured stone, which was
afterwards referred to in order to fix the dates of occurrences.[57-1]
This, however, would certainly require that _kat_ be in the passive,
_katal_ or _kataan_, and would give _katantun_. Beltran in his Grammar
treats the word as an adjective, meaning very long, perpetual.[57-2] But
this is a later, secondary sense. Its usual signification is a body or
batallion[TN-7] of warriors engaged in action. As a verb, it is to
fight, to give battle, and thus seems related to the Cakchiquel _[k]at_,
to cut, or wound, to make prisoner.[58-1] The series of years, ordered
and arranged under a controlling day and date, were like a row of
soldiers commanded by a chief, and hence the name _ahau katun_.

Each of these _ahaus_ or chiefs of the Katuns was represented in the
native calendars by the picture or portrait of a particular personage
who in some way was identified with the Katun, and his name was given to
it. This has not been dwelt upon nor even mentioned by previous writers
on the subject, but I have copies of various native manuscripts which
illustrate it, and give the names of each of the rulers of the Katuns.

The thirteen _ahau katuns_ were not numbered from 1 upward, but
beginning at the 13th, by the alternate numbers, in the following
order:--

  13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2

Various reasons have been assigned for this arrangement. It would be
foreign to my purpose to discuss them here, and I shall merely quote the
following, from a paper I wrote on the subject, printed in the _American
Naturalist_, Sept., 1881:--

     "Gallatin explained them as the numerical characters of the days
     "Ahau" following the first day of each year called Cauac; Dr.
     Valentini thinks they refer to the numbers of the various idols
     worshiped in the different Ahaus; Professor Thomas that they are
     the number of the year (in the indiction of 52 years) on which the
     Ahau begins. Each of these statements is true in itself, but each
     fails to show any practical use of the series; and of the last
     mentioned it is to be observed that the objection applies to it
     that at the commencement of an Ahau Katun the numbers would run 1,
     12, 10, 8, etc., whereas we know positively that the numbers of the
     Ahaus began with 13 and continued 11, 9, 7, 5, etc.

     "The explanation which I offer is that the number of the Ahau was
     taken from the last day Cauac preceding the Kan with which the
     first year of each Ahau began--for, as 24 is divisible by 4, the
     first year of each Ahau necessarily began with the day Kan. This
     number was the "ruling number" of the Ahau, and not for any
     mystical or ceremonial purpose, but for the practical one of at
     once and easily converting any year designated in the Ahau into its
     equivalent in the current Kin Katun, or 52 year cycle. All that is
     necessary to do this is, to _add the number of the year in the Ahau
     to the number of the year Cauac corresponding to this "ruling
     number." When the sum exceeds 52, subtract that number._

     "Take an example: To what year in the Kin Katun does 10 Ahau XI
     (the 10th year of the 11th Ahau) correspond?

     "On referring to a table, or, as the Mayas did, to a 'Katun wheel,'
     we find the 11th Cauac to be the 24th year of the cycle; add ten to
     this and we have 34 as the number of the year in the cycle to which
     10 Ahau XI corresponds. The great simplicity and convenience of
     this will be evident without further discussion."

The important question remains, how closely, by these cycles, did the
Mayas approximate to preserving the exact date of an event?

To answer this fairly, we should be sure that we have a perfectly
authentic translation of their hieroglyphic annals. It is doubtful that
we have. Those I present in this volume are the most perfect, so far as
I know, but they certainly do not agree among themselves. Can their
discrepancies be explained? I think they can in a measure (1) by the
differing length of the katuns, (2) by the era assumed as the
commencement of the reckoning.

It must be remembered that there was apparently no common era adopted by
the Mayas; each province may have selected its own; and it is quite
erroneous to condemn the annals off-hand for inaccuracy because they
conflict between themselves.


§ 8. _Ancient Hieroglyphic Books._

The Mayas were a literary people. They made frequent use of tablets,
wrote many books, and covered the walls of their buildings with
hieroglyphic signs, cut in the stones or painted upon the plaster.

The explanation of these signs is one of the leading problems in
American archæology. It was supposed to have been solved when the
manuscript of Bishop Landa's account of Yucatan was discovered, some
twenty years ago, in Madrid. The Bishop gave what he called "an A, B,
C," of the language, but which, when applied to the extant manuscripts
and the mural inscriptions, proved entirely insufficient to decipher
them.

The disappointment of the antiquaries was great, and by one of them, Dr.
Felipe Valentini, Landa's alphabet has been denounced as "a Spanish
fabrication."[61-1] But certainly any one acquainted with the history of
the Latin alphabet, how it required the labor of thousands of years and
the demands of three wholly different families of languages, to bring it
to its perfection, should not have looked to find among the Mayas, or
anywhere else, a parallel production of human intelligence. Moreover,
rightly understood, Landa does not intimate anything of the kind. He
distinctly states that what he gives are the sounds of the Spanish
letters as they would be transcribed in Maya characters; not at all that
they analyzed the sounds of their words and expressed the phonetic
elements in these characters. On the contrary, he takes care to affirm
that they could not do this, and gives an example in point.[62-1] Dr.
Valentini, therefore, was attacking a windmill, and entirely
misconstrued the Bishop's statements.

I shall not, in this connection, enter into a discussion of the nature
of these hieroglyphics. It is enough for my purpose to say that they
were recognized by the earliest Spanish explorers as quite different
from those of Mexico, and as the only graphic system on the continent,
so far as they knew it, which merited the name of writing.[62-2]

The word for book in Maya is _huun_, a monosyllable which reappears in
the Kiche _vuh_ and the Huasteca _uuh_. In Maya this initial _h_ is
almost silent and is occasionally dropped, as _yuunil Dios_, the book of
God (syncopated form of _u huunil Dios_, the suffix _il_ being the
"determinative" ending). I am inclined to believe that _huun_ is merely
a form of _uoohan_, something written, this being the passive participle
of _uooh_, to write, which, as a noun, also means a character, a
letter.[63-1]

Another name for their books, especially those containing the prophecies
and forecasts of the priestly diviners, is said to have been _anahte_;
or _analte_. This word is not to be found in any of the early
dictionaries. The usual authority for it is Villagutierre Sotomayor, who
describes these volumes as they were seen among the Itzas of Lake Peten,
about 1690.[64-1]

These books consisted of one long sheet of a kind of paper made by
macerating and beating together the leaves of the maguey, and afterwards
sizing the surface with a durable white varnish. The sheet was folded
like a screen, forming pages about 9 × 5 inches. Both sides were covered
with figures and characters painted in various brilliant colors. On the
outer pages boards were fastened, for protection, so that the completed
volume had the appearance of a bound book of large octavo size.

Instead of this paper, parchment was sometimes used. This was made from
deerskins, thoroughly cured and also smoked, so that they should be less
liable to the attacks of insects. A very durable substance was thus
obtained, which would resist most agents of destruction, even in a
tropical climate. Twenty-seven rolls of such parchment, covered with
hieroglyphics, were among the articles burned by Bishop Landa, at Mani,
in 1562, in a general destruction of everything which related to the
ancient life of the nation. He himself says that he burned all that he
could lay his hands upon, to the great distress of the natives.[65-1]

A very few escaped the destructive bigotry of the Spanish priests. So
far as known these are.--

1. The Codex Tro, or Troano, in Madrid, published by the French
government, in 1869.

2. What is believed to be the second part of the Codex Troano, now
(1882) in process of publication in Paris.

3. The Codex Peresianus, in the National Library, Paris, a very limited
edition of which has been issued.

4. The Dresden Codex, in Kingsborough's Mexico, and photographed in
colors, to the number of 50 copies, in 1880, which is believed to
contain fragments of two different manuscripts.

To these are, perhaps, to be added one other in Europe and two in
Mexico, which are in private hands, and are alleged to be of the same
character.

All the above are distinctly in characters which were peculiar to the
Mayas, and which are clearly variants of those found on the sculptured
beams and slabs of Uxmal, Chichen Itza, Palenque and Copan.

It is possible that many other manuscripts may be discovered in time,
for Landa tells us that it was the custom to bury with the priests the
books which they had written. As their tombs were at times of solid
stones, firmly cemented together, and well calculated to resist the
moisture and other elements of destruction for centuries, it is nowise
unlikely that explorations in Yucatan will bring to light some of these
hidden documents.

The contents of these books, so far as we can judge from the hints in
the early writers, related chiefly to the ritual and calendar, to their
history or Katuns, to astrological predictions and divinations, to their
mythology, and to their system of healing disease.


§ 9. _Modern Maya Manuscripts._

As I have said, the Mayas were naturally a literary people. Had they
been offered the slightest chance for the cultivation of their
intellects they would have become a nation of readers and writers.
Striking testimony to this effect is offered by Doctor Don Augustin de
Echano, Prebend of the Cathedral Church of Merida, about the middle of
the last century. He observes that twelve years of experience among the
Indians had taught him that they were very desirous of knowledge, and
that as soon as they learned to read, they eagerly perused everything
they could lay their hands on; and as they had nothing in their tongue
but some old writings that treated of sorceries and quackeries, the
worthy Prebend thought it an excellent idea that they should be
supplied, in place of these, with some ---- _sermons_![67-1] But what
else could be expected of a body of men who crushed out with equal
bigotry every spark of mental independence in their own country?

The "old writings" to which the Prebend alludes were composed by natives
who had learned to write the Maya in the alphabet adopted by the early
missionaries and conquerors. An official document in Maya, still extant,
dates from 1542, and from that time on there were natives who wrote
their tongue with fluency. But their favorite compositions were works
similar to those to which their forefathers had been partial,
prophecies, chronicles and medical treatises.

Relying on their memories, and no doubt aided by some of the ancient
hieroglyphical manuscripts, carefully secreted from the vandalism of the
monks, they wrote out what they could recollect of their national
literature.

There were at one time a large number of these records. They are
referred to by Cogolludo, Sanchez Aguilar and other early historians.
Probably nearly every village had one, which in time became to be
regarded with superstitious veneration.

Wherever written, each of these books bore the same name; it was always
referred to as "The Book of Chilan Balam." To distinguish them apart,
the name of the village where one was composed was added. Thus we have
still preserved to us, in whole or in fragments, the Book of Chilan
Balam of Chumayel, of Kaua, of Nabula, etc., in all, it is said, about
sixteen.

"Chilan Balam" was the designation of a class of priests. "Chilan," says
Bishop Landa, "was the name of their priests, whose duty it was to teach
the sciences, to appoint holy days, to treat the sick, to offer
sacrifices, and especially to utter the oracles of the gods. They were
so highly honored by the people that usually they were carried on
litters on the shoulders of the devotees."[69-1] Strictly speaking, in
Maya, _chilan_ means "interpreter," "mouth-piece," from "_chij_," "the
mouth," and in this ordinary sense frequently occurs in other writings.
The word _balam_--literally, "tiger,"--was also applied to a class of
priests, and is still in use among the natives of Yucatan as the
designation of the protective spirits of fields and towns, as I have
shown at length in a study of the word as it occurs in the native myths
of Guatemala.[70-1] "_Chilan Balam_," therefore, is not a proper name,
but a title, and in ancient times designated the priest who announced
the will of the gods and explained the sacred oracles. This accounts for
the universality of the name and the sacredness of its associations.

The dates of the books which have come down to us are various. One of
them, "The Book of Chilan Balam of Mani," was undoubtedly composed not
later than 1595, as is proved by internal evidence. Various passages in
the works of Landa, Lizana, Sanchez Aguilar and Cogolludo--all early
historians of Yucatan--prove that many of these native manuscripts
existed in the sixteenth century. Several rescripts date from the
seventeenth century--most from the latter half of the eighteenth.

The names of the writers are generally not given, probably because the
books, as we have them, are all copies of older manuscripts, with merely
the occasional addition of current items of note by the copyist; as, for
instance, a malignant epidemic which prevailed in the peninsula in 1673
is mentioned as a present occurrence by the copyist of "The Book of
Chilan Balam of Nabula."

These "Books of Chilan Balam" are the principal sources from which Señor
Pio Perez derived his knowledge of the ancient Maya system of computing
time, and also drew what he published concerning the history of the
Mayas before the Conquest, and from them also are taken the various
chronicles which I present in the present volume.

That I am enabled to do so is due to the untiring researches of Dr. Carl
Hermann Berendt, who visited Yucatan four times, in order to study the
native language, to examine the antiquities of the peninsula, and to
take accurate copies, often in fac-simile, of as many ancient
manuscripts as he could discover. After his death, his collection came
into my hands.

The task of deciphering these manuscripts is by no means a light one,
and I must ask in advance for considerable indulgence for my attempt.
Words and phrases are used which are not explained in the dictionaries,
or, if explained, are used in a different sense from that now current.
The orthography is far from uniform, each syllable is often written
separately, and as the punctuation is wholly fanciful or entirely
absent, the separation of words, sentences and paragraphs is often
uncertain and the meaning obscure.

Another class of documents are the titles to the municipal lands, the
records of surveys, etc. I have copies of several of these, and among
them was found the history of the Conquest, by Nakuk Pech, which I
publish. It was added to the survey of his town, as a general statement
of his rights and defence of the standing of his family.

My translations are not in flowing and elegant language. Had they been
so, they would not have represented the originals. For the sake of
accuracy I have not hesitated to sacrifice the requirements of English
composition.


§ 10. _Grammars and Dictionaries of the Language._

The learned Yucatecan, Canon Crescencio Carillo y Ancona, states in his
last work that there have been written thirteen grammars and seventeen
dictionaries of the Maya.[72-1]

The first grammar printed was that of Father Luis de Villalpando. This
early missionary died in 1551 or 1552, and his work was not issued until
some years later. Father Juan Coronel also gave a short Maya grammar to
the press, together with a _Doctrina_. It is believed that copies of
both of these are preserved. Beltran, however, acknowledges that in
preparing his own grammar he has never seen either of these earlier
works.[73-1]

In 1684, the _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, composed by Father Gabriel de San
Buenaventura, a French Franciscan stationed in Yucatan, was printed in
Mexico.[73-2] Only a few copies of this work are known. It has, however,
been reprinted, though not with a desirable fidelity, by the Abbe
Brasseur (de Bourbourg), in the second volume of the reports of the
_Mission Scientifique au Mexique et à l'Amerique Centrale_, Paris, 1870.

The leading authority on Maya grammar is Father Pedro Beltran, who was a
native of Yucatan, and instructor in the Maya language in the convent of
Merida about 1740. He was thoroughly conversant with the native tongue,
and his _Arte_ was reprinted in Merida, in 1859, as the best work of the
kind which had been produced.[74-1]

The eminent antiquary, Don Juan Pio Perez contemplated writing a Maya
grammar, and collected a number of notes for that purpose,[74-2] as did
also the late Dr. Berendt, but neither brought his work to any degree of
completeness. I have copies of the notes left by both these diligent
students, as also both editions of Beltran, and an accurate MS. copy of
Buenaventura, from all of which I have derived assistance in completing
the present study.

The first Maya dictionary printed was issued in the City of Mexico in
1571. It was published as that of Father Luis de Villalpando, but as he
had then been dead nearly twenty years, it was probably merely based
upon his vocabulary. It was in large 4to, of the same size as the second
edition of Molina's _Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana_. At least one
copy of it is known to be in existence.

For more than three centuries no other dictionary was put to press,
although for some unexplained reason that of Villalpando was unknown in
Yucatan. At length, in 1877, the publication was completed at Mérida, of
the _Diccionario de la Lengua Maya_, by Don Juan Pio Perez.[75-1] It
contains about 20,000 words, and is Maya-Spanish only. It is the result
of a conscientious and lifelong study of the language, and a work of
great merit. The deficiencies it presents are, that it does not give the
principal parts of the verbs, that it omits or does not explain
correctly many old terms in the language, and that it gives very few
examples of idioms or phrases showing the uses of words and the
construction of sentences.

I can say little in praise of the _Vocabulaire Maya-Francais-Espagnole_,
compiled by the Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg), and printed in the second
volume of the Report of the _Mission Scientifique au Mexique et à
l'Amerique Centrale_. It contains about ten thousand words, but many of
these are drawn from doubtful sources, and are incorrectly given; while
the derivations and analogies proposed are of a character unknown to the
science of language.

Besides the above and various vocabularies of minor interest, I have
made use of three manuscript dictionaries of the first importance, which
were obtained by the late Dr. Berendt. They belonged to three Franciscan
convents which formerly existed in Yucatan, and as they are all
anonymous, I shall follow Dr. Berendt's example, and refer to them by
the names of the convents to which they belonged. These were the convent
of San Francisco in Merida, that at the town of Ticul and that at Motul.

The most recent of these is that of the convent of Ticul. It bears the
date 1690, and is in two parts, Spanish-Maya and Maya-Spanish.

The _Diccionario del Convento de San Francisco de Merida_ bears no date,
but in the opinion of the most competent scholars who have examined it,
among them Señor Pio Perez, it is older than that of Ticul, probably by
half a century. It is also in two parts, which have evidently been
prepared, by different hands.

_The Diccionario del Convento de Motul_ is by far the most valuable of
the three, and has not been known to Yucatecan scholars. A copy of it
was picked up on a book stall in the City of Mexico by the Abbé
Brasseur, and sold by him to Mr. John Carter Brown, of Providence, R. I.
In 1864 this was very carefully copied by Dr. Berendt, who also made
extensive additions to it from other sources, indicating such by the use
of inks of different colors. This copy, in three large quarto volumes,
in all counting over 2500 pages, is that which I now have, and have
found of indispensable assistance in solving some of the puzzles
presented by the ancient texts in the present volume.

The particular value of the _Diccionario de Motul_ is not merely the
richness of its vocabulary and its numerous examples of construction,
but that it presents the language as it was when the Spaniards first
arrived. The precise date of its compilation is indeed not given, but
the author speaks of a comet which he saw in 1577, and gives other
evidence that he was writing in the first generation after the Conquest.


FOOTNOTES:

[9-1] "Tambien diz [el Almirante] que supó que ... aquella isla Española
ó la otra isla Jamaye estaba cerca de tierra firme, diez jornadas de
Canoa que podia ser sesenta á setenta leguas, y que era la gente vestida
alli." Navarrete, _Viages_, Tom. I, pag. 127.

[10-1] "In questo loco pigliorono una Nave loro carica di mercantia et
merce la quale dicevono veniva da una cierta provintia chiamata MAIAM
vel Iuncatam con molte veste di bambasio de le quale ne erono il forcio
di sede di diversi colori." _Informatione di Bartolomeo Colombo._ It is
thus printed in Harisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 473;
but in the original MS. in the Magliabechian library the words "vel
Iuncatam" are superscribed over the word "MAIAM," and do not belong to
the text. (Note of Dr. C. H. Berendt.) They are, doubtless, a later
gloss, as the name "Yucatan" cannot be traced to any such early date.
The mention of _silk_ is, of course, a mistake. Peter Martyr also
mentions the name in his account of the fourth voyage: "Ex Guaassa
insula et Taia Maiaque et cerabazano, regionibus Veraguæ occidentalibus
scriptum reliquit Colonus, hujus inventi princeps," etc. _Decad._ III,
Lib. IV.

[10-2] I have collected this evidence, drawing largely from the
manuscript works on the Arawack language left by the Moravian
missionary, the Rev. Theodore Schultz, and published it in a monograph,
entitled: _The Arawack Language of Guiana in its Linguistic and
Ethnological Relations_. (_Transactions of the American Philosophical
Society_, 1871.) There was a province in Cuba named _Maiye_; see Nicolas
Fort y Roldan, _Cuba Indígena_, pp. 112, 167 (Madrid, 1881). According
to Fort, this meant "origin and beginning," in the ancient language of
Cuba; but there is little doubt but that it presents the Arawack
negative prefix _ma_ (which happens to be the same in the Maya) and may
be a form of _majùjun_, not wet, dry.

[12-1] Eligio Ancona, _Historia de Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 31 (Merida,
1878).

[12-2] _Diccionario Maya-Español del Convento de Motul._ MS. _Sub voce,
ichech._ The manuscript dictionaries which I use will be described in
the last section of this Introduction. The example given is:--

"ICHECH; tu eres, en lengua de Campeche; _ichex_, vosotros seis; _in
en_, yo soy; _in on_, nosotros somos. De aqui sale en lengua de Maya,
_tech cech ichech e_, tu que eres por ahi quien quiera," etc.

[13-1] See Eligio Ancona, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 37.

[13-2] "MAYA (accento en la primera); nombre proprio de esta tierra de
Yucatan." _Diccionario de Motul_, MS. "Una provincia que llamavan de la
_Maya_, de la qual la lengua de Yucatan se llama _Mayathan_." Diego de
Landa, _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14. "Esta tierra de
Yucatan, à quien los naturales llaman _Ma´ya_," Cogolludo, _Historia de
Yucatan_, Lib. IV, Cap. III. "El antiguo Reyno de Maya ò Mayapan que hoy
se llama Yucatan." Villagutierre, _Historia de el Itza y de el
Lacandon_, p. 25. The numerous MSS. of the Books of Chilan Balam are
also decisive on this point.

[14-1] _Nombres Geograficos en Lengua Maya_, folio, MS. in my
collection.

[15-1] Note to Landa, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14.

[15-2] _Vocabulaire Maya-Francais-Espagnole_, _sub voce_, MAYA.

[15-3] _Hist. de Yucatan_, p. 37.

[19-1] A discussion of the items of the census of 1862 may be found in
the work of the Licentiate Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de la
Guerra de Castas de Yucatan_, Tomo I, Prologo, pp. lxvii, et seq.
(Merida 1865.) The completion of this meritorious work was unfortunately
prevented by the war. The author was born near Chan [C]enote, Yucatan,
in 1837, and was appointed _Juez de Letras_ at Izamal in 1864.

[20-1] See, for example, _El Toro de Sinkeuel, Leyenda Hipica_ (Merida,
1856), a political satire, said to be directed against General Ampudia,
by Manuel Garcia.

[20-2] D. G. Brinton, _The Myths of the New World; a Treatise on the
Symbolism and Mythology of the Red Race of America_, Chap. VI (2d Ed.
New York, 1876).

[23-1] _Maya-uel_ may be from _maya_ and _ohel_, to know either
intellectually or carnally; or the last syllable may be _uol_, will,
desire, mind. This inventive woman would thus have been named "the Maya
wit" (in the old meaning of the word).

[23-2] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva España_, Lib. X, Cap. XXIX, p. 12.

[24-1] Fray Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España y Islas
de Tierra Firme_, Cap. XIX (Ed. Mexico, 1867).

[24-2] See _Lettre de Fray Nicolas de Witt_ (should be Witte), 1554, in
Ternaux Compans, _Recueil des Piéces[TN-2] sur le Mexique_, p. 254, 286;
also the report of the "Audiencia" held in Mexico in 1531, in Herrera,
_Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. IX, Cap. V.

[27-1] I mention this particularly in order to correct a grave error in
Landa's _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 130. He says, "Suelen de
costumbre sembrar para cada casado con su muger medida de cccc piés que
llaman _hun-uinic_, medida con vara de XX pies, XX en ancho y XX en
largo." The agrarian measure _uinic_ or _hun uinic_ (one man) contained
20 _kaan_, each 24 yards (_varas_) square. One _kaan_ was estimated to
yield two loads of corn, and hence the calculation was forty loads of
the staff of life for each family. Landa's statement that a patch 20
feet square was assigned to a family is absurd on the face of it.

[28-1] "La lengua castellana es mas dificultosa que la Maya para la
gente adulta, que no la ha mamado con la leche, como lo ha enseñado la
experiencia en los estranjeros de distintas naciones, y en los negros
bozales que se han radicado en esta provincia, que mas facilmente han
aprendido la Maya que la castellana." Apolinar Garcia y Garcia,
_Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_. Prologo, p. lxxv. (folio,
Merida, 1865).

[31-1] Friedrich Müller, _Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_, II Band, s.
309. (Wien, 1882).

[31-2] Lucien Adam, _Etudes sur six Langues Américaines_, p. 155.
(Paris, 1878).

[35-1] Gabriel de San Buenaventura, _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, fol. 28
(Mexico, 1684).

[40-1] _Mémoire sur la numération dans la langue et dans l'Ecriture
sacrée des anciens Mayas_, in the Compte-Rendu of the Congrès
International des Américanistes, Vol. II, p. 439 (Paris, 1875).

[41-1] _Leti u Ebanhelio Hezu Crizto hebix Huan_, London, 1869. This
translation was made by the Rev. A. Henderson and the Rev. Richard
Fletcher, missionaries to the British settlements at Belize.

[41-2] _Leti u Cilich Evangelio Jesu Christo hebix San Lucas._ Londres,
1865. The first draught of this translation, in the handwriting of
Father Ruz, with numerous corrections by himself, is in the library of
the Canon Crescencio Carrillo at Mérida. A copy of it was obtained by
the Rev. John Kingdon of Belize, and printed in London without any
acknowledgment of its origin. It does not appear to me to be accurate.
For instance, chap. X, v. 1, "The Lord appointed other seventy also,"
where the Maya has _xan lahcatu cankal_, "seventy-two;" and again chap.
XV, v. 4, the ninety-nine sheep are increased to _bolon lahu uaxackal_,
one hundred and fifty-nine!

[42-1] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya._ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, MSS.
pp. 126, 128.

[42-2] "Me parece que _tu_ es síncopa de _ti u_." (Note of Dr. Berendt.)
There is no doubt but that Dr. Berendt is correct.

[43-1] This is not correct. Beltran gives for 45, _hotu yoxkal_, which I
analyze, _ho ti u u ox kal_.

[44-1] _Apuntes del Diccionario de la Lengua Maya. Por un yucateco
aficionado à la lengua_, 4to, pp. 486, MSS.

[45-1] "CAL: hartar ô emborrachar la fruta." _Diccionario Maya-Español
del Convento de San Francisco_, Merida, MS. I have not found this word
in other dictionaries within my reach.

[46-1] _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel por Fray_ Francisco de
Varea,[TN-4] MS. s. v. _chuvi_. This MS. is in the Library of the
American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.

[46-2] F. Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua
Cakchiquel_, MS. This MS. is in my collection.

[48-1] _Codice Perez_, p. 92, MS. This is a series of extracts from
various ancient Maya manuscripts obtained by the late distinguished
Yucatecan antiquary, Don Juan Pio Perez, and named from him by Canon
Crescencio Carrillo and other linguists. A copy of it is in my
collection. It is in quarto, pp. 258.

[54-1] All the examples in the above paragraph are from the Appendix to
the _Diccionario Maya-Español del Convento de San Francisco, Merida_,
MS. It also gives its positive authority to the length of the katuns, as
follows: "Dicese que los Indios contaban los años à pares (_sic_), y
cuando llegaba uno a veinte años, entonces decian que tenian _hunpel
katun_, que son veinte años.'[TN-6] I think the words _à pares_, must be an
error for _à veintenas_; they may mean "in equal series."

[54-2] The _Diccionario de Motul_ MS. has the following lengthy
entries:--

"TZUC: copete ô coleta de cabellos; ô de crines de caballo, ô las barbas
que echa el maiz por arriba estando en la mazorca; y la cabeza que
tienen algunas hachas y martillos en contra del tajo, y la cabeza del
horcon, y las nubes levantadas en alto y que dan que denotan segun dice
tempestad de agua. Partes, enpartimieñtos. Cuenta para pueblos, para
partes, parrafos i articulos, diferencios y vocablos montones."

[55-1] _Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. V.

[56-1] M. Delaporte's calculations are mentioned by Leon de Rosny,
_Essai sur le Déchiffrement de l'Ecriture Hiératique de l'Amérique
Centrale_, p. 25 (Paris, 1876); Professor Thomas' will be found in the
_American Naturalist_, for 1881, and in his _Study of the Codex Troano_,
Washington, 1882.

[57-1] Pio Perez, _Cronologia Antigua de Yucatan_. § VIII.

[57-2] "_Katun_, para siempre." Beltran de Santa Rosa, _Arte del Idioma
Maya_, p. 177.

[58-1] The following extracts from two manuscripts in my hands will
throw further light on this derivation--

KATUN: espacio de veinte años; _hun katun_, 20 años; _ca katun_, 40
años, etc.

KATUN: batallon de gente, ordenada de guerra y ejercito asi, y soldados
cuando actualmente andan en la guerra.

KATUN (TAH, TÉ): guerrear, hacer guerra, ò dar guerra.

KATUNBEN: el que tiene tantas venteinas de años, segun el numeral que se
le junta, _hay katunben ech?_ cuantas venteinas de años tienes tu? _ca
katunben en_, tengo dos venteinas.

DICCIONARIO DE MOTUL, MS., 1590.

ÇAT (he): generalmente sig^a cortar algo con acha, cuchillo ô hiera;
detener algo que se huya, atajarlo, etc.

Varea, _Calepino en Lengva[TN-8] Cakchiquel_, MS., 1699.

[61-1] _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, 1880.

[62-1] The example he gives is the word _le_, which he says "para
escrivirle con sus caracteres _habiendoles nosotros hecho entender_ que
son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres," etc., thus plainly saying
that they did not analyze the word to its phonetic radicals in their
system. _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 318.

[62-2] Las Casas says, with great positiveness, that they found in
Yucatan "letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte."
_Historia Apologetica_, cap. CXXIII. I also add an interesting
description of their books and letters, furnished by the companions of
Father Alonso Ponce, the Pope's Commissary-General, who traveled through
Yucatan in 1586, when many natives were still living who had been born
before the Conquest (1541). Father Ponce had traveled through Mexico,
and, of course, had learned about the Aztec picture-writing, which he
distinctly contrasts with the writing of the Mayas. Of the latter he
says: "Son alabados de tres cosas entre todos los demas de la Nueva
España, la una de que en su antiguedad tenian caracteres y letras, con
que escribian sus historias y las ceremonias y orden de los sacrificios
de sus idolos y su calendario, en libros hechos de corteza de cierto
arbol, los cuales eran unas tiras muy largas de quarta ó tercia en
ancho, que se doblaban y recogian, y venia á queder á manera de un libro
encuardenada en cuartilla, poco mas, ó menos. Estas letras y caracteres
no las entendian, sino los sacerdotes de los idolos, (que en aquella
lengua se llaman 'ahkines'), y algun indio principal. Despues las
entendieron y supieron léer algunos frailes nuestros y aun las
escribien." (_Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las Muchas
que Sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Comisario-General en las
Provincias de la Nueva España_, page 392). I know no other author who
makes the interesting statement that these characters were actually used
by missionaries to impart instruction to the natives.

[63-1] "_uooh_; caracter o letra. _uooh_ (tah, te) escribir. _uoohan_,
cosa que esta escrita." _Diccionario de Motul_, MS.

[64-1] His words are: "Y satisfaciendoles por la quenta señalada, que
ellos mismos tenian, de que vsavan, para ajustar sus antiguas Profezias,
y los Tiempos de su cumplimiento, que eran vnos Caracteres y Figuras
pintadas en vnas cortezas de Arboles, como de una quarta de largo cada
hoja, ò tabilla, y del gruesso como de vn real de à ocho, dobladas à vna
parte, y à otra, à manera de Viombo, que ellos llamavan Analtees," etc.,
_Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza_, Lib. VII. cap I
(Madrid, 1701). Pio Perez spells the word _anahté_, _Diccionario de la
Lengua Maya_, s. v. following a MS. of the last century, given in the
_Codice Perez_. The word _hunilté_, from _huunil_, the "determinative"
form of "_hun_," and _té_, a termination to nouns which specifies or
localizes them (e. g. _amay_, an angle, _amay té_, an angular figure,
etc)., would offer a plausible derivation for _analté_.

[65-1] "Se les quemamos todos lo qual à maravilla sentian y les dava
pena." _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 316.

[67-1] "La experiencia de manejar tan incessantemente à los Indios en
cerca de doce años que los servi, me enseñó, que el motivo de estar
todavia muchos tan pegados à sus antiguedades, era porque siendo los
naturales muy curiosòs, y aplicandose à saber leer: los que esto logran,
quanto papel tienen à mano, tanto leen: y no aviendo entre ella, mas
tratados en su idioma, que los que sus antepasados escribieron, cuya
materia es solo de sus hechicerias, encantos, y curaciones con muchos
abusos, y ensalmos; ya se ve que en estos bebian insensiblemente el
tosigo para vomitar despues su malicia en otros muchos." _Aprobacion del
Doctor D. Augustin de Echano_, etc., to Dr. Don Francisco Eugenio
Dominguez, _Platicas de los Principales Mysterios de Nvestra[TN-9] S^ta
Fee, hechas en el Idioma Yucateco_. Mexico, 1758. This extremely rare
work is highly prized for the purity and elegance of the Maya employed
by the author.

[69-1] _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, page 160.

[70-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America.
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, Vol. XIX, 1881. The
terminal letter in both these words--"_chilan_," "_balam_,"--may be
either "_n_" or "_m_," the change being one of dialect and local
pronunciation. I have followed the older authorities in writing "_Chilan
Balam_," the modern preferring "_Chilam Balam_."

[72-1] _Historia Antigua de Yucatan, p. 123_ (Merida, 1882).

[73-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya_, p. 242 (2d ed).

[73-2] _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, compuesto por el R. P. Fr. Gabriel de
San Buenaventura Predicador y difinidor habitual de la Provincia de San
Joseph de Yucathan del Orden de N. P. S. Francisco. Año de 1684. Con
licencia; En Mexico, por la Viuda de Bernardo Calderon, 4to. pag. 1-4,
leaves 5-41.

[74-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya reducido a succintas reglas, y semilexicon
Yucateco_ por el R. P. F. Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa Maria. En Mexico
por la Viuda de D. Joseph Bernardo de Hogal. Año de 1746. 8vo, pp. 8,
1-188. Segunda edicion, Mérida de Yucatan, Imprenta de J. D. Espinosa.
Julio, 1859. 8vo, 9 leaves, pp. 242.

[74-2] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya._ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, pp.
45-136. _MSS._

[75-1] _Diccionario de la Lengua Maya_, por D. Juan Pio Perez. Merida de
Yucatan. Imprenta literaria, de Juan F. Molina Solis, 1866-1877. Large
8vo, two cols. pp. i-xx, 1-437.




THE CHRONICLES.

    I. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.
        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani._

   II. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.
        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin._

  III. THE RECORD OF THE COUNT OF THE KATUNS.
        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._

   IV. THE MAYA KATUNS.
        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._

    V. THE CHIEF KATUNS.
        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._




THE CHRONICLES.


The chronicles and fragments of chronicles which I have collected here
are all taken from the various "Books of Chilan Balam." They constitute
about all that remains to us, so far as I know, of the ancient history
of the peninsula. There are, indeed, in other portions of these "Books"
references to historical events before the Conquest, but no other
consecutive narrations of them.

Except the one given first, none of these has ever been printed, nor
even translated from the Maya into any European language. Whether they
corroborate or contradict one another, it is equally important for
American archæology to have them preserved and presented in their
original form.

It does not come within my present purpose to try to reconcile the
discrepancies between them. I am furnishing materials for history, not
writing it, and my chief duty is to observe accuracy, even at the risk
of depreciating the value of the documents I offer.

I have, therefore, followed strictly the manuscripts which I possess in
fac-similes of the originals, and when I believe the text is corrupt or
in error, I have suggested apart from the text what I suppose to be the
needed correction to the passage.

In the notes I have also discussed such grammatical or historical
questions as have occurred to me as of use in elucidating the text.

There will be found considerable repetition in these different versions,
as must necessarily be from their character, if they have a claim to be
authentic records; but it is also fair to add that details will be found
in each which are omitted in the others, and hence, that all are
valuable.

This similarity may be explained by two suppositions; either they are
copies from a common original, or they present the facts they narrate in
general formulæ which had been widely adopted by the priests for
committing to memory their ancient history. The differences which we
find in them preclude the former hypothesis except as it may apply to
the first two. The similarities in the others I believe are no more than
would occur in relating the same incidents which had been learned
through fixed forms of narration.

The division into sections I have made for convenience of reference. The
variants I have given at the bottom of the page are readings which I
think are preferable to those in the text, or corrections of manifest
errors; but I have endeavored to give the text, just as it is in the
best MSS. I have, errors and all.

It is not my purpose to enter into a critical historical analysis of
these chronicles. But a few remarks may be made to facilitate their
examination.

Making the necessary omissions in No. II, which I point out in the
prefatory note to it, it will be found that all five agree tolerably
well in the length of time they embrace. Nos. III and IV begin at a
later date than the others, but coincide as far as they go.

The total period of time, from the earliest date given, to the
settlement of the country by the Spaniards, is 71 katuns. If the katun
is estimated at twenty years, this equals 1420 years; if at twenty-four
years, then we have 1704 years.

All the native writers agree, and I think, in spite of the contrary
statement of Bishop Landa, that we may look upon it as beyond doubt,
that the last day of the 11th katun was July 15th, 1541. Therefore the
one of the above calculations would carry us back to A. D. 121, the
other to B. C. 173.

The chief possibility of error in the reckoning would be from confusing
the great cycles of 260 (or 312) years, one with another, and assigning
events to different cycles which really happened in the same. This would
increase the number of the cycles, and thus extend the period of time
they appear to cover. This has undoubtedly been done in No. II.

According to the reckoning as it now stands, six complete great cycles
were counted, and parts of two others, so that the native at the time of
the Conquest would have had eight great cycles to distinguish apart.

I have not found any clear explanation how this was accomplished. We do
not even know what name was given to this great cycle, nor whether the
calendar was sufficiently perfected to prevent confusion in dates in the
remote past.

I find, however, two passages in the collection of ancient manuscripts,
which I have before referred to as the _Codice Perez_, which seem to
have a bearing on this point; but as the text is somewhat corrupt and
several of the expressions archaic, I am not certain that I catch the
right meaning. These passages are as follows:--

     U hi[c]il lahun ahau u [c]ocol hun uu[c] katun, u zut tucaten
     oxlahunpiz katun [c]iban tu uichob tu pet katun; la hun uu[c] katun
     u kaba ca bin [c]ococ u than lae, u hoppol tucaten; bay hoppci ca
     [c]ib lae ca tun culac u yanal katun lae. Cabin [c]ococ uaxac ahau
     lae u hoppol tucaten lae. (Page 90.)

     U hi[c]il Lahun Ahau u [c]ocol u nuppul oxlahunpez katun [c]iban u
     uichob tu pet tzaton lo hun (_sic_) uu[c] katun u kaba ca bin
     [c]ococ u than lae, ca tun culac u yanal katun ca bin [c]ococ uaxac
     Ahau lae; hu hoppol tucaten bay hoppci ca [c]ib. (Page 168.)


_Translation._

     At the last of the tenth ahau katun is ended one doubling of the
     katun, and the return a second time of thirteen katuns is written
     on the face of the katun circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it
     is called, will then finish its course, to begin again; and when it
     begins, it is written that another katun commences: when the eighth
     katun ends it begins again (_i. e._, to count with this eighth as
     the first of the next "doubling").

     At the last of the tenth Ahau Katun is ended the joining together
     of thirteen katuns (which is) written on the face of the katun
     circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it is called, will then
     finish its course, and another katun will begin and will end as the
     eighth katun; this begins a second time, as it began (at first) and
     was then written.

In other words, if I do not miss the writer's meaning, the repetitions
of the great cycle of thirteen katuns were not counted from either of
its terminals, to wit, the thirteenth or the second katun, but from the
tenth katun. These repetitions were called _uu[c] katun_, the doubling
or foldings over of the katuns, and they were inscribed on the circle or
wheel of the katuns at that part of it where the tenth katun was
entered. These wheels were called _u pet katun_, the circle of the
katuns, or _u met katun_, the wheel of the katuns, or _u uazaklom
katun_, the return of the katuns. I have several copies of them, and one
is given in Landa's work, but I know of none which is a genuine
original, and, therefore, it is not surprising that I do not find on any
of them the signs referred to adjacent to the tenth katun.

For the convenience of the reader I have drawn up the following
chronological table of the events referred to in the Chronicles,
arranging them under the Great Cycles and Katuns to which they would
belong were the former numbered according to the regular sequence given
on page 59. I have also inserted the katuns which were omitted by the
native chroniclers, but which, according to that sequence, are necessary
in order to complete their records in accordance with the theory of the
Maya calendar. The references in Roman numerals are to the different
chronicles.


SYNOPSIS OF MAYA CHRONOLOGY.

  _Great
  Cycle._ _Katun._

     I.      8  They leave Nonoual (I.)
             6
             4
             2
    II.     13  They arrive at Chacnouitan (I.)
            11
             9
             7
             5
             3
             1
            12
            10
             8  Chichen Itza heard of (II.)
             6  Bacalar and Chichen Itza discovered (I, II, III.)
             4  Ahmekat Tutulxiu arrives (I?, II.)
             2
   III.     13  _Pop_ first counted (_i. e._ calendar arranged) (II, III.)
            11  Remove to Chichen Itza (I.)
             9
             7
             5
             3
             1  Abandon Chichen Itza; remove to Champoton (I, II.)
            12
            10  Abandon Chichen Itza; remove to Champoton (III.)
             8
             6  Champoton taken (I, II.)
             4  Champoton taken (III.)
             2
    IV.     13
            11
             9
             7
             5
             3
             1
            12
            10
             8  Champoton abandoned (I, II, III.)
             6  The Itzas houseless (I.[TN-10] II, III.) The [TN-11]well
                dressed" driven out (IV.)
             4  Return to Chichen Itza (I, II.)
             2  Uxmal founded (I.) The League in Mayapan begins (I.)
     V.     13  Mayapan founded (V.)
            11
             9
             7
             5  Chichen Itza destroyed by Kinich Kakmo
   (IV.)
             3
             1  The last of the Itzas leave Chichen Itza (IV.)
            12
            10  Uxmal founded (II.)
             8  Plot of or against Hunac Ceel (I, II, III.)
                Zaclactun Mayapan founded (IV.)
                Chakanputun burned (IV.)
             6  War with Ulmil (I.)
             4  The land of Mayapan seized (II, III.)
             2
    VI.     13
            11  Mayapan attacked by Itzas under Ulmil and depopulated by
                foreigners (I.)
             9
             7
             5  Naked cannibals came (IV.)
             3
             1  Tancah Mayapan destroyed (IV.)
            12
            10
             8  Mayapan finally destroyed (I, II, III, V.)
             6  The Maya league ended (V.)
             4  The pestilence (II, III, IV.)
             2  Spaniards first seen (I, II.) Smallpox (III.)
   VII.     13  Ahpula died (I, II, III.) The pestilence (I.)
            11  Spaniards arrive (I, II, III, IV, V.) Ahpula died (IV.)




I. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.

_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani._


The first chronicle which I present is the only one which has been
heretofore published. On account of its comparative fullness it deserves
especial attention. It is taken from the Book of Chilan Balam of the
town of Mani.

This town, according to a tradition preserved by Herrera, was founded
after the destruction of Mayapan, and, therefore, not more than seventy
years before the arrival of the Spaniards. Mayapan was destroyed in
consequence of a violent feud between the two powerful families who
jointly ruled there, the Cocoms and the Xius or Tutul Xius. The latter,
having slain all members of the Cocom family to be found in the city,
deserted its site and removed south about fifteen miles, and there
established as their capital a city to which they gave the name Mani,
"which means 'it is past,' as if to say 'let us start anew.'"[89-1]

At the time of the Conquest the reigning chief of the Tutulxius was
friendly to the Spaniards, and voluntarily submitted to their rule, as
we are informed with much minuteness of detail by the historian
Cogolludo.[90-1] We may reasonably suppose, therefore, that this
chronicle was brought from Mayapan in the "Books of Science," which
Herrera refers to as esteemed their greatest treasure by the chiefs who
broke up their ancient confederation when Mayapan was deserted. Hence
the records ran a better chance of being preserved in this province than
in those which were desolated by war. As I have already said (page 65) a
large number were destroyed precisely at Mani by Bishop Landa, in 1562.

I find among the memoranda of Dr. Berendt reference to four "Books of
Chilan Balam," of Mani. These dated from 1689, 1697, 1755 and 1761,
respectively, but I have not learned from which of these Pio Perez
extracted the chronicles he gave Mr. John L. Stephens. Dr. Berendt adds
that it was from one which was in possession of a native schoolmaster of
Mani, who, having the surname Balam, claimed to be descended from the
original Chilan Balam![91-1]

The first publication of the document was in the Appendix to the second
volume of Mr. Stephens' _Incidents of Travel in Yucatan_ (New York,
1843). It included the original Maya text, with a not very accurate
translation into English of Pio Perez's rendering of the Maya. From Mr.
Stephen's volume, the document has been copied into various publications
in Mexico, Yucatan and Europe.

The other attempt at an independent translation was that of the Abbé
Brasseur (de Bourbourg), published at Paris in 1864, in the same volume
with Landa's _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_. The text he took from
Stephens' book, errors and omissions included, and his translation is
entirely based on the English one, as he evidently did not have access
to the original Spanish of Pio Perez.

The most important recent study of the subject has been made by Dr.
Valentini, who published the notes of Pio Perez on his translation, and
gave a general re-examination of ancient Maya history, with a great deal
of sagacity and a large acquaintance with the related Spanish
literature.[92-1] He is, however, in error in stating that he was the
first to publish the notes of Perez, as they had previously been printed
in a work by Canon Carrillo.[92-2]

Much use of this chronicle has been made by the recent historians of
Yucatan, Don Eligio Ancona and the Canon Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona;
but I am surprised to find that they have depended entirely on the
previous labors of Pio Perez, Stephens and Brasseur, and have made no
attempt to verify or extend them.

Dr. Berendt, although earnestly devoted to collecting and copying these
records did not, as Dr. Valentini observes, ever attempt a translation
of any of them.

No hint is given as to the author of the document, nor do we know from
what sources he derived his information. It has been plausibly suggested
that it was an epitome of the history of their nations, which was
learned by heart and handed down from master to disciple, and which
served as a verbal key to the interpretation of the painted and
sculptured records, and to the "katun stones" which were erected at the
expiration of each cycle and inscribed with the principal events which
had transpired in it.

The Abbé Brasseur placed at the head of his edition of this chronicle
the title, in Maya:--

"LELO LAI U TZOLAN KATUNIL TI MAYAB,"

which he translates--

"SÉRIES DES EPOQUES DE L'HISTOIRE MAYA."

This is an invention of the learned antiquary. There is no such nor any
other title to the original. It is simply called in the first line _u
tzolan katun_, the arrangement or order of the katuns. The word _tzolan_
is a verbal noun, the past participle of the passive voice of _tzol_,
which means to put in order, to arrange, and is in the genitive of the
thing possessed, as indicated by the pronoun _u_. Literally, the phrase
reads, "their arrangement (the) katuns."


TEXT.

1. Lai u tzolan katun lukci ti cab ti yotoch Nonoual cante anilo
Tutulxiu ti chikin Zuiua u luumil u talelob Tulapan [95-1]chiconahthan.

2. Cante bin ti katun lic u ximbalob ca uliob uaye yetel Holon
Chantepeuh yetel u cuchulob. Ca hokiob ti petene uaxac ahau bin yan
cuchi uac ahau, can ahau, cabil ahau, cankal haab catac hunppel haab,
tumen hun piztun oxlahun ahau cuchie, ca uliob uay ti petene, cankal
haab catac hunppel haab, tu pakteil, yetel cu ximbalob lukci tu luumilob
ca talob uay ti petene Chacnouitan lae; u añoil lae 81 ---- ---- ---- 81.

3. Uaxac ahau, uac ahau; cabil ahau kuchci chacnouitan Ahmekat Tutulxiu;
hunppel haab minan ti hokal haab cuchi yanob chacnouitan lae; lai u
habil lae ---- ---- ---- 99 años.

4. Laitun uchci u chicpahal tzucubte Ziyan caan lae Bakhalal; can ahau,
cabil ahau, oxlahun ahau, oxkal haab cu tepalob Ziyan caan ca emob uay
lae; lai u habil cu tepalob Bakhalal [96-1]chuulte laitun chicpahci
Chic[=h]en Itza lae ---- ---- 60 años.

5. Buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau, hun ahau, uackal
haab, cu tepalob Chichen Itzaa, ca paxi Chic[=h]en Itza, ca binob cahtal
Chanputun, ti yanhi u yotochob ah Itzaob kuyan uincob lae; lay u habil
lae ---- ---- 120.

6. Uac ahau chucuc u luumil Chanputun. Can ahau, cabil ahau, oxlahun
ahau, buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau, hun ahau,
lahca ahau, lahun ahau, uaxac ahau paxci Chanputun; oxlahunkal haab cu
tepalob Chanputun tumenel Ytza uinicob ca talob u tzac le u yotochob tu
caten; laixtun u katunil binciob ah Itzaob yalan che, yalan [96-2]aban,
yalan ak ti numyaob lae; lai u habil cu [96-3]xinbal lae ---- ---- ----
260.

7. Uac ahau, can ahau, cakal haab, ca talob u he[c]ob yotoch tu caten ca
tu zatahob chakanputun; lay u habil lae ---- ---- ---- 40.

8. Lai u katunil cabil ahau u he[c]cicab Ahcuitok Tutulxiu Uxmal; cabil
ahau, oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau,
hun ahau, lahca ahau, lahun ahau; lahun kal haab cu tepalob yetel u
halach uinicil chic[=h]en Itza yetel Mayalpan; lai u habil lae ---- ----
200.

9. Lai u katunil buluc ahau bolon ahau uuc ahau, uaxac ahau, paxci u
halach uinicil Chic[=h]en Itzaa tumenel u kebanthan Hunac eel; ca uch ti
Chacxibchac Chichen Itzaa tu kebanthan Hunac eel u halach uinicil
Mayalpan ich paae. Cankal haab catac lahunpiz haab, tu lahun tun, uaxac
ahau cuchie lai u habil paxci tumenel Ahzinteyut chan yetel Tzuntecum,
yetel Taxcal, yetel Pantemit, Xuchueuet yetel Ytzcuat, yetel Kakaltecat;
lai u kaba uiniclob lae uuctulob ah Mayelpanob lae ---- ---- ---- ----
90.

10. Laili u katunil uaxac ahau lai ca binob u paa ah Ulmil ahau tumenel
u uahal uahoob yetel ah Itzmal ulil ahau lae oxlahun uu[c] u katunilob
ca paxob tumen Hunac eel; tumenel u [c]abal u natob; uac ahau ca [c]oci
hunkal haab catac canlahun pizi; lai u habil cu [97-1]xinbal ---- 34.

11. Uac ahau, can ahau, cabil ahau, oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau chucuc u
luumil ich paa Mayapan, tumenel u pach tulum, tumenel multepal ich cah
Mayalpan, tumenel Ytza uinicob yetel Ulmil ahau lae, cankal haab catac
oxppel haab; yocol buluc ahau cuchi paxci Mayalpan tumenel ahuitzil
[c]ul tan cah Mayapan ---- ---- 83.

12. Uaxac ahau lai paxci Mayapan; lay u katunil uac ahau, can ahau,
cabil ahau, lai haab, cu ximbal ca yax mani españoles u yax ulci caa
luumi Yucatan tzucubte lae oxkal haab paxac ichpaa cuchie ---- ---- ----
---- 60.

13. Oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau uchci mayacimil ich paa yetel nohkakil;
oxlahun ahau cimci Ahpula; uacppel haab u binel ma [c]ococ u xocol
oxlahun ahau cuchie; ti yanil u xocol haab ti lakin cuchie, canil kan
cumlahi pop, tu holhun zip catac oxppeli, bolon imix u kinil lai cimci
Ahpula; laytun año cu ximbal cuchi lae ca oheltab lai u xoc _numeroil
anos_ lae 1536 años cuchie, oxkal haab paxac ichpa cuchi lae.

14. Laili ma [c]ococ u xocol buluc ahau lae lai ulci _españoles_ kul
uincob ti lakin, u talob ca uliob uay tac luumil lae; bolon ahau hoppci
_cristianoil_; uchci caputzihil; laili ichil u katunil lae ulci yax
_obispo_ Toroba u kaba; heix año cu ximbal uchie 1544.

15. Yan cuchi uuc ahau cimci yax obispo de landa; ychil u katunil ho
ahau ca yan cahi padre manii lai año lae ---- ---- ---- 1550.

16. Lai año cu ximbal ca cahi padre yok haa 1552.

17. Lai año cu ximbal ca uli Oidor la ca paki Espital ---- ---- ----
---- 1559.

18. Lai año cu ximbal ca kuchi Doctor Quijada yax gob^or uaye ----
---- ---- 1560.

19. Lai año cu ximbal ca uchci c[=h]uitab lae 1562.

20. Lai año cu ximbal ca uli Mariscal gob^or ca betab [99-1]thulub
---- ---- ---- 1563.

21. Lai año cu ximbal ca uchci nohkakil lae 1609.

22. Lai año cu ximbal ca hichiucal kaxob 1610.

23. Lai año cu ximbal ca [c]ibtah cah tumenel Juez Diego Pareja 1611.


TRANSLATION.

1. This is the arrangement of the katuns since the departure was made
from the land, from the house Nonoual, where were the four Tutulxiu,
from Zuiva at the west; they came from the land Tulapan, having formed a
league.

2. Four katuns had passed in which they journeyed when they arrived here
with Holon Chantepeuh and his followers. When they set out for this
country it was the eighth ahau. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, the
second ahau (passed), four score years and one year, for it was the
first year of the thirteenth ahau when they arrived here in this
country; four score years and one year in all had passed since they
departed from the land and came here, to the province Chacnouitan. These
were years 81.

3. The eighth ahau, the sixth ahau; in the second ahau Ahmekat Tutulxiu
arrived at Chacnouitan; they were in Chacnouitan five score years
lacking one year; these were years 99.

4. Then took place the discovery of the province Ziyan caan or Bakhalal;
the fourth ahau, the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, three score years
they ruled Ziyan caan when they descended here: in these years that they
ruled Bakhalal it occurred then that Chichen Itza was discovered. 60
years.

5. The eleventh ahau, the ninth ahau, the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau,
the third ahau, the first ahau, six score years, they ruled at Chichen
Itza; then they abandoned Chichen Itza and went to live at Chanputun;
there those of Itza, holy men, had their houses; these were years 120.

6. In the sixth ahau the land of Chanputun was seized. The fourth ahau,
the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, the eleventh ahau, the ninth ahau,
the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau, the third ahau, the first ahau, the
twelfth ahau, the tenth ahau; the eighth ahau Chanputun was abandoned;
thirteen score years Chanputun was ruled by the Itza men when they came
in search of their houses a second time; in this katun those of Itza
were under the trees, under the boughs, under the branches, to their
sorrow; the years that passed were 260.

7. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, two score years, (had passed) when
they came and established their houses a second time, and they lost
Chakanputun; these were years 40.

8. In the katun the second ahau Ahcuitok Tutulxiu founded (the city of)
Uxmal; the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, the eleventh ahau, the
ninth ahau, the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau, the third ahau, the first
ahau, the twelfth ahau, the tenth ahau; ten score years they ruled with
the governor of Chichen Ytza and Mayapan; these were years 200.

9. Then were the katuns eleventh ahau, ninth ahau, sixth ahau; in the
eighth ahau the governor of Chichen Itza was driven out on account of
his plotting against Hunac Eel; and this happened to Chac Xib Chac of
Chichen Itza on account of his plotting against Hunac Eel the governor
of Mayapan, the fortress. Four score years and ten years, and it was the
tenth year of the eighth ahau that it was depopulated by Ah Zinteyut
Chan, with Tzuntecum, and Taxcal, and Pantemit, Xuchueuet and Ytzcuat
and Kakaltecat: these were the names of the seven men of Mayapan 90.

10. In this eighth ahau they went to the fortress of the ruler of Ulmil
on account of his banquet to Ulil ruler of Itzmal; they were thirteen
divisions of warriors when they were dispersed by Hunac Eel, in order
that they might know what was to be given; in the sixth ahau it ended,
one score years and fourteen; the years that passed were 34.

11. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, the second ahau, the thirteenth
ahau, the eleventh ahau; then was invaded the land of the fortress of
Mayapan by the men of Itza and their ruler Ulmil on account of the
seizure of the castle by the joint government in the city of Mayapan;
four score years and three years; the eleventh ahau had entered when
Mayapan was depopulated by foreigners from the mountains in the midst of
the city of Mayapan 83.

12. In the eighth ahau Mayapan was depopulated; then were the sixth
ahau, the fourth ahau, the second ahau; during this year the Spaniards
first passed and first came to this land the province of Yucatan, sixty
years after the fortress was depopulated. ---- ---- ---- ---- 60.

13. The thirteenth ahau; the eleventh ahau took place the pestilence in
the fortresses and the smallpox; in the thirteenth ahau Ahpula died; for
six years the count of the thirteenth ahau will not be ended; the count
of the year was toward the East, the month Pop began with (the day)
fourth Kan; the eighteenth day of the month Zip (that is), 9 Imix, was
the day on which Ahpula died; and that the count may be known in numbers
and years it was the year 1536, sixty years after the fortress was
destroyed.

14. The count of the eleventh ahau was not ended when the Spaniards,
mighty men, arrived from the east; they came, they arrived here in this
land; the ninth ahau Christianity began; baptism took place; also in
this katun came the first bishop Toroba by name; this was the year 1544.

15. In the seventh ahau died the first bishop de Landa; in the fifth
katun the Fathers first settled at Mani, in the year 1550.

16. As this year was passing the fathers settled upon the water ----
---- ---- 1552

17. As this year was passing the auditor came and the hospital was built
---- ---- 1559

18. As this year was passing the first governor Dr. Quijada, arrived
here ---- ---- 1560

19. As this year was passing the hanging took place ---- ---- ---- ----
1562

20. As this year was passing the Governor Marshall came and built the
reservoirs ---- 1563

21. As this year was passing the smallpox occurred ---- ---- ---- ----
1609

22. As this year was passing those of Tekax were hanged ---- ---- ----
1610

23. As this year was passing the towns were written down by Judge Diego
Pareja ---- 1611

NOTES.

1. The introductory paragraph is not less obscure in construction than
it is important in its historical statements, and I shall give it,
therefore, a particularly careful analysis.

I have already explained the term _u tzolan katun_; _lukci_ is the
aorist of _lukul_, which forms regularly _luki_, but the mutation to
_ci_ is used when the meaning _since_ or _after that_ is to be conveyed;
as Beltran says, "cuando el verbo trae estos romances, _despues que ò
desde que_, como este romance; despues que murio mi padre, estoy triste:
_cimci in yume, okomuol_" (_Arte del Idioma Maya_, p. 61). _cab_ means
country or place, in the sense of residence, whereas _luum_, used in the
same paragraph, is land or earth, in the general sense. The _Dicc. de
Motul_ says: "_cab_, pueblo ò region; _in cab_, mi pueblo, donde yo soy
natural." _yotoch_ is a compound of the possessive pronoun _u_, his or
their, and _otoch_, the word for house when it is indicated whose house
it is; otherwise _na_ is used; _otoch_ is probably allied to _och_ a
verbal root signifying to give food to, the house being looked upon as
specifically the place where meals are prepared.

The word _cante_ is translated by Perez and Brasseur as _four_, and
applied to the Tutulxiu, while the intervening word _anilo_ is not
translated by either: _cante_ is no doubt the numeral _four_ with the
numeral particle _te_ suffixed. But here a serious difficulty arises.
According to all the grammars and dictionaries the particle _te_ is
never used for counting persons, but only "years, months, days (periods
of time), leagues, cacao, eggs and gourds." Moreover, what is _anilo_?
We have, indeed, the form _tenilo_, I am that one, from the particle _i_
(Buenaventura, _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, fol. 27, verso); and we might
have _yanilo_, they are those. But this necessitates a change in the
text, and if that has to be done I should prefer to suppose that _anilo_
was a mistake of the copyist, and that we should read _katun_ or
_katunile_. This would reconcile the numeral particle and would do away
with the _four_ Tutulxius, of whom we hear nothing afterwards.

_chikin_, the West, literally, that which bites or eats the sun, from
_chi_, the mouth, and, as a verb, to bite. An eclipse is called in Maya
_chibal kin_, the sun bitten; _ti chikin_, toward the West.

_talelob_, plural form of _tal_ or _talel_, to come to, to go from.

_chiconahthan_ is not translated by either Pio Perez or Brasseur, nor in
that precise form has it any meaning. I take it, however, to be a faulty
orthography for _chichcunahthan_ which means to support that which
another says, hence, to agree with, to act in concert with; "_chichcunah
u thanil_, having renewed the agreement" (_Diccionario de Ticul_). It
refers to an agreement entered into by the different leaders who were
about to undertake the migration into unknown lands. Possibly, however,
this is not a Maya word, but another echo of Aztec legend.
_Chiconauhtlan_, "the place of the Nine," was a village and mountain
north of the lake of Tezcuco and close to the sacred spot Teotiuacan,
where, in Aztec myth, the gods assembled to create the sun and moon
(Sahagun, _Historia de Nueva España_, Lib VII, cap. II). _Tulapan
Chiconauhtlan_ would thus become a compound local name.

It will be seen from the above that the translation which I have given
of this paragraph does not satisfy me as certainly correct. I shall now
give the original with an interlinear translation, and also those of Pio
Perez and Brasseur, adding a free rendering which I am inclined to
prefer, although it modifies the text somewhat.


_Interlinear Translation._

  Lai           u       tzolan      katun            lukci
  This (is)   their     order     the katuns   since they departed

  ti     cab,       ti        yotoch       Nonoual     cante
  from the land    from    their house     Nonoual    the four

  anilo,          Tutulxiu     ti       chikin        Zuiua,
  those the (?)   Tutulxiu     to     the West (of)   Zuiua

  u        luumil      u    talelob      Tulapan      chiconah than.
  their  land (which) they  came (from)  was Tulapan  acting in concert.


_Translation of Pio Perez._

Esta es la serie de Katunes corridos desde que se quitaron de la tierra
y casa de Nonoual en que estaban los cuatro Tutulxiu al poniente de
Zuina; el pais de donde vinieron fué Tulapan.


_Translation of Brasseur._

C' est ici la série des epoques écoulées depuis que s' enfuirent les
quatre Tutul Xiu de la maison de Nonoual etant a l'ouest de Zuinà, et
vinrent de la terre de Tulapan.


_Free translation suggested._

This is the order of the Katuns since the four Katuns during which the
Tutulxiu left their home and country Nonoual to the west of Zuiua, and
went from the land and city of Tula, having agreed together to this
effect.

I have said nothing of the proper names in this paragraph. They are
remarkable for the fact that three out of the four are unquestionably
Nahuatl or Aztec, and hence they have given occasion for considerable
theorizing in favor of the "Toltec" origin of the Maya civilization, and
also of the Nahuatl descent of the princely family of the Tutulxiu.

Their name is the only one in the paragraph with a distinctively Maya
physiognomy. It is a compound of _xiu_, the generic term for herb or
plant, and _tutul_, a reduplicated form of _tul_, an abundance, an
excess, as in the verb _tutulancil_, to overflow, etc. (_Diccionario de
Ticul_, MS.). It would appear therefore to be a local name, and to
signify a place where there was an abundance of herbage. The surname is
Xiu only, and as such is still in use in Yucatan.

But it may also be claimed that even this is a Nahuatl name; for also in
that tongue _xiuitl_ means a plant, as well as a turquoise, a comet, a
year, and in composition a greenish or bluish color; while _tototl_ is a
bird or fowl. The Maya _xiu_ and the Nahuatl _xiuitl_ (in which _itl_ is
a termination lost in composition) are undoubtedly the same word. Which
nation borrowed it from the other? It is certainly a loan-word, for
these two languages have no common origin, while, as we might expect
from neighbors, each does have a number of loan-words from the other.

I answer that the Maya _xiu_ is unquestionably a loan from the Nahuatl,
and my reason for the opinion is that while in Maya the root _xiu_ is
sterile and has no relations to other words (unless perhaps to _xiitil_,
to open like a flower, to brood as a bird, to augment, to grow), in
Nahuatl it is a very fertile root, and nearly thirty compounds of it can
be found in the dictionaries (See Molina, _Vocabulario de la Lengua
Mexicana_, fol. 159, verso). But the composition of the name follows the
Maya and not the Nahuatl analogy.

That in either language the name Tutulxiu can be translated "Bird-tree"
(Vogelbaum), as is argued by Dr. Carl Schultz-Sellack (_Archiv für
Ethnologie_, Band XI, 1879), and on which translation he bases a long
argument, is very doubtful. It certainly could not in Maya; and in
Nahuatl, _tototl_ in composition would drop both its terminal
consonants.

The remaining names, Nonoual, Zuiua, Tula-pan, clearly indicate their
Nahuatl origin. Zuiua, which was erroneously printed in Pio Perez's
version as Zuina is Zuiva; Nonoual is Nonohual; Tulapan, literally "the
standard of Tula," refers to the famous city of the Toltecs, presided
over by Quetzalcoatl. All these names are borrowed directly from the
myth of this hero-god.

_Zuiven_ was the name of the uppermost heaven, the abode of the Creator
Hometeuctli, the father of Quetzalcoatl, and the place of his first
birth as a divinity. In later days, when the Quetzalcoatl myth had
extended to the Kiches and Cakchiquels, members of the Maya family in
Guatemala, "Tulan Zuiva" was identified with the Aztec Chicomoztoc, the
famous "Seven Caves," "Seven Ravines," or "Seven Cities," from which so
many tribes of Mexico, wholly diverse in language and lineage, claimed
that their ancestors emerged in some remote past (compare the _Codex
Vaticanus_, Lam. I; _Codex Zumarraga_, chap. I, with the _Popol Vuh_,
pp. 214, 227). To this spot the ancestors of the Guatemalan tribes were
reported to have gone to receive their gods; from it issued the Aztec
god Huitzilopochtli; in it still were supposed to dwell his mother and
other mighty divinities; and Quetzalcoatl was again the youngest born of
Iztac Mixcohuatl, the mighty lord of the Seven Caves (Motolinia,
_Historia de los Indios de Nueva España_ p[TN-12] 10, etc.).

_Tula_, p